High Liquidity Creation and Bank Failures

An IMF working paper published today entitled “High Liquidity Creation and Bank Failures”, suggests that regulators may want to consider incorporating liquidity creation into their early warning systems and subject high liquidity creators to additional oversight to either prevent bank failure or impose an orderly winding-down of the bank and limit taxpayer losses.

Identifying vulnerabilities which may lead to bank failure is a persistent challenge to regulators of financial systems and market analysts. Regulators seek timely warning of bank failures for an efficient deployment of monitoring resources and for enhancing regulation enforcement, and shareholders and taxpayers want to avoid substantial resolution costs as well as reduce the time involved in loss resolution.

Two hypotheses in the literature on bank fragility explain bank failures: the “Weak Fundamentals Hypothesis” (WFH) and the “Liquidity Shortage Hypothesis” (LSH). Under the WFH, poor bank fundamentals foreshadow an impending bank failure and CAMELS components are often used as the basis for an early warning system. Bank failures are thus information-based, as decaying capital ratios, reduced liquidity, deteriorating loan quality, and depleted earnings signal an increased likelihood of bank failure. In contrast, the LSH assumes that banks are solvent institutions but fragility is due to the irrational behavior of uninformed depositors who are unable to distinguish between liquidity and solvency shocks. According to this hypothesis, bank vulnerability to crises stems from the financing of illiquid assets with liquid liabilities. When exposed to an external shock and under the sequential servicing constraint, first-in-line depositors seek to withdraw all their deposits and, as the bank’s ability to meet deposit withdrawals declines, liquidity shortages become pronounced and the probability of failure increases.

The WFH focuses on asset risk to explain bank fragility and bank risk under the LSH arises from the liability side of the balance sheet. In this paper, we propose that bank vulnerability may result from the interaction between both asset and liability risks. Using new measures on liquidity creation, we postulate that banks’ vulnerability to failure may resultfrom a proliferation in the core activity of liquidity creation. We propose the “High Liquidity Creation Hypothesis” (HLCH) to explain bank failures, complementing the WFH (which identifies banks with weak fundamentals) and the LSH (which focuses on the inability of banks to meet liquidity commitments). According to the HLCH, a bank’s vulnerability increases when the core output measured by liquidity creation reaches high levels compared to other banks’ activities in the system.

To test this, we need a banking system that witnessed a number of bank failures which are unrelated to economic business cycles or triggered by adverse exogenous shocks. In Russia, over 200 banks failed between 2000 and 2007 and many of those failures were not associated with the business cycle. Thus, the banking system in Russia provides a natural field experiment to test as we are able to isolate the reasons for bank fragility independently from exogenous events.

To gauge the impact of high liquidity creation on the probability of bank failures, we perform logit regressions with bank random effects. We use different thresholds to define high liquidity creation in a given quarter, based on the distribution of the entire liquidity creation in the banking system. Our findings confirm the hypothesis that high liquidity creation increases the probability of bank failure, and the results are robust to several validity checks. Rather than suggesting an absolute cut-off value, we propose to screen financial intermediaries based on their liquidity creation ranking in the system. The identification of high liquidity creators allows regulators to at least place these banks on the watch list for enhanced oversight in view of reducing the number of failures in the system and strengthening incumbent institutions.

We propose a screening procedure of banks, ranking them based on their liquidity creation in the system. Specifically, we define high liquidity creators as banks with a liquidity creation level in a given quarter that exceeds the 90th percentile of the distribution. When liquidity creation becomes high, the probability of failure for such a bank increases significantly more than for other banks. Our results are robust to alternative measures of liquidity creation and definitions of bank failure, and controlling for bank location, market concentration, and regulatory changes. They are also in line with the theoretical predictions of Allen and Gale (2004) and empirical results for the U.S. (Berger and Bouwman, 2011).

The HLCH has two main implications. First, it suggests that liquidity creation by banks can be counterproductive when it becomes high. Liquidity creation above a certain threshold increases the probability of bank failure, eventually leading to the disappearance of the high liquidity-creating institution and even a reduction in the volume of aggregate liquidity creation in the economy. Therefore, regulatory authorities may need to give more attention to the liquidity-creating activities by banks when identifying vulnerabilities in the financial system. Second, our main finding provides insight for regulatory authorities to predict bank failures. Specifically, regulators may want to consider incorporating liquidity creation into their early warning systems and subject high liquidity creators to additional oversight to either prevent bank failure or impose an orderly winding-down of the bank and limit taxpayer losses.

Did Abolishing Negative Gearing Push Up Rents? – ABC Fact Check

ABC Fact Check investigates whether abolishing negative gearing in 1985 caused rents to surge. During the period negative gearing was abolished rents notably increased only in Sydney and Perth. Other factors, including high interest rates and the share market boom, were also contributors to rent increases at the time.

As property prices continue to rise across Australian capital cities, in particular Sydney, the debate around how to address housing affordability problems has intensified.

Sydney house prices have jumped more than 6 per cent since the beginning of the year, increasing pressure on first home buyers.

The Reserve Bank has raised concerns that “ongoing strong speculative demand” from property investors will exacerbate the run-up in housing prices and raise the risk of big price falls.

Negative gearing, a tax deduction for rental property investors, is an area of contention.

But Treasurer Joe Hockey says if negative gearing is abolished, there could be other serious consequences.

“If you abolish negative gearing on investment properties, there’s a strong argument that rents would increase,” Mr Hockey said on the ABC’s Q&A.

Mr Hockey said that in the 1980s, when negative gearing was briefly removed, there was a backlash from investors who increased rents to “replace the lost income” negative gearing had provided.

“The net result was you saw a surge in rents,” he said.

Mr Hockey has made similar claims a number of times in the past two months. On April 28 he said: “If you were to remove negative gearing you would see an increase in rents and I think that hurts lower income Australians who may be renting those homes.”

However, during the period that negative gearing was abolished real rents notably increased only in Sydney and Perth – where rental vacancies were at extremely low levels.

This is inconsistent with arguments that negative gearing was a significant factor, with negative gearing likely to have a uniform impact on rents in all capital cities.

At the same time, high interest rates and the share market boom of the mid 1980s increased consumer demand for rental properties, encouraged existing investors to pass on high mortgage costs to renting consumers, and discouraged additional investors from investing in the rental property market.

While the rent increases in two cities did coincide with the temporary removal of negative gearing tax deductions, it is unlikely that change had a substantial impact on rents in any major capital city in Australia.

Mr Hockey’s claim doesn’t stack up.

Link to the ABC video

RBA Rate Cut Increases Need for Greater Macro-Prudential Response – Fitch

Fitch Ratings says the Reserve Bank of Australia’s (RBA) recent interest rate cut is likely to lead to a strengthened macro-prudential response from the Australian Prudential Regulatory Authority (APRA) for the Australian banking system, although implementation will probably remain targeted and occur on a bank-by-bank basis.

Today’s rate cut is likely to further fuel the Australian property market, particularly in Sydney, at a time when the authorities are trying to take the steam out of the market. Macro-prudential tools allow the regulator to influence banks’ risk appetite, preserving asset quality and limiting potential losses in the event of an economic shock. The Australian banking system benefits from strong loss absorption capacity given the banks’ sound profit generation and provision levels, as well as adequate capitalisation. These strengths could be undermined by further increases in property prices and household debt, given mortgages form the largest asset class for Australian banks.

APRA has targeted certain higher risk areas such as investor mortgages, indicating growth in excess of 10% per annum would trigger closer regulatory monitoring and may lead to tougher capital requirements. In addition, APRA could use a set of other macro-prudential tools which may include a combination of debt-servicing requirements, additional capital requirements and/or loan-to-value ratio (LVR) restrictions, depending on each lender. Given the existence of lenders’ mortgage insurance (LMI), which mitigates the banks’ risk of higher LVR mortgages, debt-servicing requirements and higher capital requirements on a bank-by-bank basis are likely to be the preferred options.

Growing risks in the housing market and the banks’ mortgage portfolios could be exacerbated if further macro-prudential scrutiny is not forthcoming. The recent interest rate cut may lead to further house price appreciation, especially in cities such as Sydney and Melbourne, where there has been greater investor activity over the past 12 to 18 months. The first rate cut in February 2015 was followed by increased activity in these housing markets. The growth in house prices exceeded lending growth up to the end of 2014, but this trend could reverse as interest rates are at historical lows. At the same time, it makes borrowers vulnerable to a potential increase in interest rates in the medium term. Australia has one of the highest household debt levels globally, and if low interest rates contribute to higher credit growth, it could drive up household indebtedness from already historically high levels.

Falling interest rates may also result in further growth in potentially higher-risk loan types, such as interest-only and investor loans. These loan types already represent a high proportion of new approvals for Australian banks, as shown in Fitch’s “APAC Banks: Chart of the Month, February 2015”. The proportion of new interest-only mortgages is higher than new investor mortgages, suggesting that owner-occupiers are increasing the use of these types of loans at a time when historically-low interest rates should encourage borrowers to pay off debt. Serviceability testing at Fitch-rated Australian banks may provide some offset to this risk, with loans assessed on a principle and interest basis and at interest rates well above the prevailing market rate.

 

Finance Through a Fintech is Fast, but Ask These Questions First

Interesting article in the BRW by Neil Slonim, of thebankdoctor.com that aligns with my earlier post on Online Lending for SMEs.

There has been considerable recent discussion about fintechs injecting much needed competition into the SME lending market. For those unfamiliar with this new word, fintech (financial technology) is a line of business using software for the purpose of disrupting incumbent players such as banks. ASIC Chairman Greg Medcraft recently said “the time is ripe for digital disruption and ASIC wants to make it easier for fintechs to navigate the regulatory system”. Notwithstanding these encouraging developments it is still early days and small business owners would be wise to resist the lure of quick and easy money from fintechs until they really understand how they work.

The attraction of fintechs is the expectation of a “quick yes” via a streamlined online approval process. Fintechs usually offer business loans between $5k and $300k and terms generally range from 7 days to 12 months. They make funds available in a matter of days and sometimes even hours. Rates vary from around 9 per cent to 30 per cent and often well beyond. Most loans are made without property security. Fintechs are generally not suited for businesses that have requirements for long-term debt and if you have property security you will get a better rate elsewhere.

Some business owners will try a fintech if the bank either rejects them or can’t make a decision in the time frame required. Others will by-pass the bank based on a preconceived belief that the banks wont help them.

For better or worse most SMEs know what to expect when dealing with banks. They know the big banks have been around forever and have large and strong balance sheets but this new breed of lender is an entirely different species.

Unlike the banking sector where four well known players and their offshoots control around 90 per cent of the market there are already many fintechs in the SME space with new entrants constantly popping up as entrepreneurs see the opportunity to disrupt the big four oligopoly. As more players enter this field, it will be interesting to see how they go about developing and conveying a distinctive customer value proposition.

Australian owned fintechs currently operating in the SME space include Moula, Prospa, getcapital, and ucapital. The US online lender Ondeck is establishing a local operation in conjunction with MYOB and some well-known local investors. The barriers to entry are relatively low and the level of regulation is not as stringent as for banks. Issues such as funding, liquidity and fraud will no doubt come to the fore when the first fintech fails. Liquidity events could lead to unscrupulous fintechs embarking on a Ponzi scheme but we can safely assume that no fintech will be the beneficiary of a ‘too big to fail’ government bailout. If you borrow from a fintech that gets into difficulty how would you refinance a loan that a bank wouldn’t touch?

Borrowing from fintechs is expensive due to relatively high funding costs plus high default rates. Ondeck US’s operation has a default rate of 6 to 7 per cent and when an unsecured loan falls into default, the lender’s recovery prospects plummet.

Potential borrowers need to be mindful of all these issues. So how does a business decide if fintech borrowing is right for them and if so which is the most suitable lender? Here are three tips for SMEs to consider:

1. DO YOUR DUE DILIGENCE

Do your DD as you would if you were looking for any new major supplier or stakeholder. Some of your queries will be able to be satisfied via the lender’s website but if you’re not sure about anything, call them. Ask questions like:

•Who are your shareholders and management?

•What qualifications and experience do you have?

•How much capital have you committed?

•Can I speak to some existing clients?

•How reliable is your funding source?

2. BE SURE YOU UNDERSTAND AND CAN AFFORD TO PAY THE FEES

Ensure you understand all the fees and charges. For instance, fintechs often quote an interest rate based on the term of the transaction so a 3 per cent rate which might look fair to you could in fact be 3 per cent on a loan of 30 days which represents an annualised rate of interest of 36 per cent.

Once you understand all the costs, re-visit your forecasts to ensure you can still make an acceptable profit. No point in working just for your financier!

3. CONSIDER WHAT WILL HAPPEN IF THINGS GO WRONG.

You probably have a good idea of what happens if you cant meet your obligations to a bank. How would this work with a fintech? How open would they be to extending the term of your financing arrangements if for instance a debtor is slow to pay? What dispute resolution procedures do they have?

HOW ARE THE BANKS RESPONDING?

The banks recognise they are burdened with legacy cost structures that place them at a disadvantage relative to disruptors who have lower cost and more scalable systems. They are acutely aware of the threat and are monitoring developments closely. Fintechs are not yet taking market share from the banks but clearly the potential exists for serious inroads once this business model becomes established.

In time banks will respond by acquiring the better structured and performing fintechs. Another bank strategy will be to take equity in start up fintechs backed by big name players with deep pockets as Westpac has done with the online personal lender Society One.

It’s still early days but over time fintechs will become a significant alternative funding source for SMEs. In the meantime SMEs contemplating borrowing from a fintech would be well advised to first ensure they understand exactly what they are getting themselves into.

Neil Slonim is a banking advisor and commentator and founder of theBankDoctor.com.au , a not for profit online source of independent banking advice for SMEs.

Mirrored with permission of the author.

Retail Sales Growth Slows In March

The latest Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) Retail Trade figures show that Australian retail turnover rose 0.3 per cent in March following a rise of 0.7 per cent in February 2015, seasonally adjusted.

In seasonally adjusted terms the largest contributor to the rise was department stores (3.8 per cent), clothing, footwear and personal accessory retailing (2.2 per cent), food retailing (0.4 per cent) and other retailing (0.1 per cent). There were falls in household goods retailing (-1.0 per cent) and cafes, restaurants and takeaway food services (-1.1 per cent).

In seasonally adjusted terms there were rises in Queensland (0.7 per cent), New South Wales (0.3 per cent), Victoria (0.2 per cent), South Australia (0.3 per cent) and Tasmania (0.5 per cent). There were falls in Western Australia (-0.3 per cent), the Australian Capital Territory (-0.5%) and the Northern Territory (-0.8 per cent).

The trend estimate for Australian retail turnover rose 0.3 per cent in March 2015 following a 0.4 per cent rise in February 2015. Through the year, the trend estimate rose 4.3 per cent in March 2015 compared to March 2014.

Online retail turnover contributed 3.0 per cent to total retail turnover in original terms.

Why Online Lending Will Take Off With Small Business Owners

Interesting recent article from Fortune Insider with a relevant perspective on the potential for online lending for small business though from a US perspective.

At a minimum, banks are perfect partners in the new game.

Earlier this month, the momentum behind the online lending industry was in full view at LendIt—an industry gathering that didn’t exist four years ago, but grew from about 700 attendees last year to more than 2,500 this year. What was clear is that it’s no longer a question of whether these disruptors will change the game in small business lending, but how quickly.

In fact, in his remarks at LendIt attendees in New York City, former Treasury Secretary Larry Summers predicted that online lenders could eventually capture upwards of 70% of the small business lending market. That may be an overly optimistic prediction, but one thing is clear online lending is a welcome innovation in the small business sector.

Dozens of new companies have jumped in from FundBox to Square, joining longer term players like OnDeck, Lending Club and Funding Circle. At the same time, the entrance of big money from hedge funds and institutional investors has created an energy that has gotten the attention of long-time observers of the financial industry.

Small business owners were the hardest hit in the Great Recession due in part to their reliance on available credit. In the years following, the sluggishness of the overall economic recovery in many ways was a result of these important job creators still not being able to readily access the capital they needed from their traditional sources – banks.

Many banks make loans today pretty much the way they did 50 years ago, relying on expensive personal underwriting and a mountain of paperwork. That makes small dollar loans not economical. Yet, loans under $250,000 are what most small businesses want. Add to that, the number of community banks – a critical source of small business loans – has been shrinking, from 14,000 in 1984 to less than 7,000 today.

As is often the case throughout our nation’s history, in step the entrepreneurs with dozens of new companies entering the lending space with a new approach. Much of the innovation behind these new startups is based on using technology to deliver a more streamlined application and approval process. They use new algorithms to access and analyze more data from different sources about a borrower than the traditional bank.

Today borrowers fill out an online application that typically takes 30-60 minutes. They get a response within hours and can be funded in days. This customer service is winning the attention of frustrated small business owners who on average were spending 26 hours on the loan process and waiting weeks or even months for an answer from a bank. The word is beginning to spread. In a recent Federal Reserve survey 18% of small business owners reported seeking capital online with a 38% approval rate, compared to a 31% approval rate at large national banks.

Ease of use doesn’t grow an industry all on its own, though, but available capital does. Yes, interestingly, what’s really fueling the growth of accessible capital for small business owners is accessible capital itself. Peer-to-peer capital has given way to hedge funds and institutions looking for yield, and a hungry finance industry ready to package and syndicate the funding.

Despite the bright outlook, some worrisome questions remain. What happens to all this new capital in a downturn or when yield is available elsewhere? Can the new algorithms really predict which small businesses will succeed and which will fail? What about the high cost of some of these new loans? Regulation is largely absent in this new industry. How can small businesses really know how to pick the right product and do they know much they are paying?

How will traditional banks respond? Don’t count them out yet. There are several factors that actually could give the established players a competitive advantage. For instance, while new online lenders are spending considerable sums to find small business customers, traditional banks have thousands of those customers and have mountains of data about them.

At a minimum, banks are perfect partners in the new game. They can connect customers to the online platforms, share information for the credit approval processes and they can even put their capital to work as investors.

Needless to say, transformation is coming, and it’s coming in an industry that is not known for it. As Summers noted last week, former Federal Reserve Chair Paul Volker once pointed out that the only useful innovation in finance in the past generation has been the ATM.

All indicators are that this transformation will only continue to pick up its pace. As it does, one thing is clear – while investors may see gains, in all likelihood, small businesses will be the biggest winners.

Hot Investment Lending – AFG

AFG announced their April 2015 Mortgage Index statistics today. It further confirms the momentum in the investment property sector, in both Sydney and Melbourne.

The housing market’s strong 2015 performance continued during April with AFG processing total mortgages of $4,380 million for the month. This compares with $3,674 million in April 2014 and is a record for the month of April. In keeping with seasonal trends, the figure is somewhat lower than the $5,236 million recorded for March, because of the Easter holidays, when property markets are typically more subdued.

The result reflected increasing Victoria investor activity, combined with already strong NSW investor activity. AFG processed a higher proportion of home loans for investors in Victoria last month than ever before at 40.9%, up from 36.7% in March 2015, and 36.9% in April 2014. In NSW, the proportion of investor mortgages remained around its all-time high of 52.8% of applications.

Mark Hewitt, General Manager of Sales and Operations says: “Investor activity in both Sydney and Melbourne is now at the highest levels we have recorded in 21 years. Elsewhere it’s a different story – for example in Western Australia, where first home buyers comprise a much larger proportion of buyers than elsewhere, property investment cooled somewhat last month.”

Queensland property investment rose to 36.7% in April from 33.3% in March, in South Australia there was an increase from 37.7% to 38.2%, and in WA figures softened from 33.6% to 32.8%. First home buyer figures remained at low levels across all of Australia, except for WA, comprising just 2% of new mortgages in NSW, 6.4% in SA, 7.7% in QLD, 8.9% in VIC and 18% in WA.

The proportion of new borrowers choosing fixed home loans was 13.6%, continuing an overall decline since October 2014 when 18.2% of borrowers chose to fix their rates.

New Home Sales at Four-Year High – HIA

The latest result for the HIA New Home Sales Report, a survey of Australia’s largest volume builders, shows strong growth in March 2015, taking sales volumes to their highest level since early 2010. Total seasonally adjusted new home sales increased by 4.4 per cent in the month of March, with an 11.3 per cent rise in multi-unit sales and a 2.6 per cent rise in detached house sales.

In March 2015 private detached house sales increased by 5.9 per cent in Victoria, 4.2 per cent in New South Wales and also 4.2 per cent in Western Australia. Private detached house sales declined by 5.8 per cent in South Australia and by 2.3 per cent in Queensland. In the March 2015 quarter, detached house sales increased in Victoria (+5.2 per cent) and Queensland (+4.3 per cent). Elsewhere sales declined: in WA (-6.4 per cent), NSW (-3.6 per cent) and SA (-1.4 per cent).

HIA-To-March-2015

CBA 3Q Trading Update – Is Pressure Rising?

The CBA released their 3Q update today.  We see the same signs of margin pressure and likely slower growth ahead, as in the recent results from ANZ and Westpac. We think the sector will be under more pressure going forwards. Extra capital requirements will also bear down in coming months. Provisions, at the bottom of the cycle were up.

Unaudited cash earnings for the three months ended 31 March 2015 (“the quarter”) were approximately $2.2 billion. Statutory net profit on an unaudited basis for the same period was also approximately $2.2 billion, with non-cash items treated on a consistent basis to prior periods. This was below market expectations.

Revenue growth was similar to 1H15. Group Net Interest Margin continued to be impacted by competitive pressures by around 3 basis points. Trading income remained strong; Expense growth was higher in the quarter, impacted by growing regulatory, compliance and remediation costs, including those associated with a number of legislative reforms (FATCA, FoFA, Stronger Super, LAGIC), provisioning for the advice review program and ongoing regulatory engagement.

Across key markets, home lending volume growth continued to track slightly below system, consistent with the Group’s underweight position in the higher growth investment and broker segments; core business lending growth remained at mid-single digit levels (pa), household deposits growth was particularly strong in the quarter, with balances growing at an annual rate of over 10 per cent; in Wealth Management, Funds under Administration and Assets under Management grew 7 and 8 per cent respectively in the quarter, reflecting strong investment performance, net inflows and FX gains; insurance inforce premiums increased 3 per cent on the prior quarter; ASB business and rural lending growth remained above system and home loan growth was stronger Credit quality remained sound.

In the retail portfolios, home loan and credit card arrears were broadly flat, whilst seasonal factors contributed to higher personal loan arrears. Troublesome and impaired assets were lower at $6.4 billion. Total loan impairment expense was $256 million in the quarter, up from $204m a year earlier, with strong provisioning levels maintained and the economic overlay unchanged. Home loan arrears were higher in Bankwest than the Australian and New Zealand businesses.

CBA-Home-Loan-Arrears-May-2015The Group’s Basel III Common Equity Tier 1 (CET1) APRA ratio was 8.7 per cent as at 31 March 2015, an increase of 20 basis points on December 2014 after excluding the impact of the 2015 interim dividend (which included the issuance of shares in respect of the Dividend Reinvestment Plan). The Group’s Basel III Internationally Comparable CET1 ratio as at 31 March 2015 was 12.7 per cent. They will need to raise more capital on these ratios than we expected.

CBA-Capital-May-2015  Funding and liquidity positions remained strong, with customer deposit funding at 64 per cent and the average tenor of the wholesale funding portfolio at 3.9 years.

CBA-Deposit-Funding-May-2015Liquid assets totalled $144 billion with the Liquidity Coverage Ratio (LCR) standing at 122 per cent. The Group completed $8.5 billion of new term issuance in the quarter.

Basel Compliance Not Linked To Bank Performance

An IMF Working Paper was released today, entitled “Does Basel Compliance Matter for Bank Performance?”.  They conclude that overall Basel compliance has no association with bank efficiency. This is important because the burden of compliance with international regulatory standards is becoming increasingly onerous, and financial institutions worldwide are developing compliance frameworks to enable management to meet more stringent regulatory standards. As regulators refine and improve their approach and methodologies, banks must respond to more stringent compliance requirements. This has implications for risk management and resource allocation, and, ultimately, on bank performance.

However, there is no evidence that any common set of best practices is universally appropriate for promoting well-functioning banks. Regulatory structures that will succeed in some countries may not constitute best practice in other countries that have different institutional settings. There is no broad cross-country evidence as to which of the many different regulations and supervisory practices employed around the world work best. As a consequence, the question of how regulation affects bank performance remains unanswered. Regulators around the world are still grappling with the question of what constitutes good regulation and which regulatory reforms they should undertake.

The global financial crisis underscored the importance of regulation and supervision to a well-functioning banking system that efficiently channels financial resources into investment. In this paper, we contribute to the ongoing policy debate by assessing whether compliance with international regulatory standards and protocols enhances bank operating efficiency. We focus specifically on the adoption of international capital standards and the Basel Core Principles for Effective Bank Supervision (BCP). The relationship between bank efficiency and regulatory compliance is investigated using the (Simar and Wilson 2007) double bootstrapping approach on an international sample of publicly listed banks. Our results indicate that overall BCP compliance, or indeed compliance with any of its individual chapters, has no association with bank efficiency.

From a theoretical perspective, scholars’ predictions as to the effects of regulation and supervision on bank performance are conflicting. The greater part of policy literature on financial regulation has been inspired by the broader debate on the role of government in the economy. The two best-known opposing camps in this field are the public interest and the private interest defenders, who both, nonetheless, agree on the assumption of market failure. For the public interest camp, governments regulate banks to ensure better functioning and thus more efficient banks, ultimately for the benefit of the economy and the society. For the private interest camp, regulation is a product of an interaction between supply; it is thus the outcome of private interests who use the coercive power of the state to extract rents at the expense of other groups.

According to the public interest view, which largely dominated thinking during the 20th century, regulators have sufficient information and enforcement powers to promote the public interest. In this setting, well-conceived regulation can exert a positive effect on firm behavior by fostering competition and encouraging effective governance in the sector. In contrast, according to the private interest view, efficiency may be distorted because firms are constrained to channel resources to special-interest groups. This implies that regulation may not play a role in improving bank efficiency. Kane (1977) suggested that these conflicting views help frame the complex motivations underlying regulatory policies. He argues that officials are subject to pressures to respond to both public and private interests, and that the outcome of such an oscillation depends on incentives. Swings in the approach to regulation reflect the interplay of industry and political forces and the occurrence of exogenous shocks (crises for example). These complex interactions may have conflicting effects on the efficiency of the banking system.

We focus on the adoption of international capital standards and the Basel Core Principles for Effective Bank Supervision (BCP). These principles, issued in 1997 by the Basel Committee on Bank Supervision, have since become the global standards for bank regulation, widely adopted by regulators in developed and developing countries. The severity of the 2007–09 financial crisis has cast doubt on the effectiveness of these global standards; regulatory reforms are under way in several countries. The initial crisis-induced assessment of regulatory failure is now giving way to a more complex regulatory dialogue and detailed evaluation of the principles underlying international regulatory standards as well as the implications of their adoption, in terms of banks’ safety and soundness. In addition, the burden of compliance with international regulatory standards is becoming increasingly onerous, and financial institutions worldwide are developing compliance frameworks to enable management to meet more stringent regulatory standards. As regulators refine and improve their approach and methodologies, banks must respond to more stringent compliance requirements. This has implications for risk management and resource allocation, and, ultimately, on bank performance.

On the regulators’ side, excessive reliance on systematic adherence to a checklist of regulations and supervisory practices might hamper regulators’ monitoring efforts and prevent a deeper understanding of banks’ risk-taking. More specifically, to shed some light on the aforementioned issues, we aim to answer the following questions: (i) Does compliance with international regulatory standards affect bank operating efficiency? (ii) By what mechanisms does regulatory compliance affect bank performance? (iii) To what extent do bank-specific and country-specific characteristics soften or amplify the impact of regulatory compliance on bank performance? (iv) Does the impact of regulatory compliance increase with level of development?

Building on the IMF and the World Bank Basel Core Principles for Effective Bank Supervision (BCP) assessments conducted from 1999 to 2010, we evaluate how compliance with BCP affects bank performance for a sample of 863 publicly listed banks drawn from a broad cross-section of countries. We focus on publicly listed banks, on the assumption that these institutions are subject to more stringent regulatory controls and compliance requirements. This focus should also enhance cross-country comparability because these banks share internationally adopted accounting standards. Further, we categorize the sample countries by both economic development and geographic region.

Our results indicate that overall BCP compliance, or indeed compliance with any of its individual chapters, has no association with bank efficiency. This result holds after controlling for bank-specific characteristics, the macroeconomic environment, institutional quality, and the existing regulatory framework, and adds further support to the argument that although compliance has little effect on bank efficiency, increasing regulatory constraints may prevent banks from efficiently allocating resources. When only banks in emerging market and developing countries are considered, we find some evidence of a negative relation with specific chapters that relate to the effectiveness of the existing supervisory framework and the ability of supervisors to carry out their duties. However, these results need to be treated with caution, because they may also reflect the inability of assessors to provide a consistent cross-country evaluation of effective banking regulation.