Why rent bidding apps will make the rental market even more unaffordable

From The Conversation.

Renters are already the weak party at the negotiating table because they cannot ignore their need for a place to live. But a new series of apps that pit renter against renter will only further tip the balance of power in favour of landlords, making it even harder to get a house.

The fierce competition in the rental market often results in renters paying more than is necessary. Over 150,000 tenants pay more than 50% of their incomes for housing.

These apps may seem like they give renters more power – they are marketed using words like “fairness” and “transparency”, but they also note that landlords are missing out on “millions and millions”.

Renting is a zero-sum game. Every dollar that a landlord gains is a dollar out of the tenant’s pocket. And in a market already tilted in favour of landlords, these apps could further push up rents.

To address the problem of renting affordability we need technologies that promote more cooperation between renters, rather than competition.

The apps

There are several different rent bidding apps, and they all work in different ways.

Live Offer asks prospective tenants to fill out forms and these are then ranked for the landlord to choose. The prospective tenants can see where they are in the rankings, in real time.

Rentberry is more of a real-time auction site. Prospective tenants submit bids, can see what the current highest bid is and how many bids there have been.

With Rentwolf, prospective tenants set up extensive profiles, as they would with AirBnB, and then apply for properties through the marketplace.

What is the right price?

Real estate is worth what people are prepared to pay for it. But tenants will always be the weak party at the negotiating table.

At least as far back as David Ricardo in 1817, economists have theorised that landlords take what is left over once other costs are deducted from the tenant’s income. In other words, rent is as much as tenants are able to pay.

Even before that, Adam Smith recognised that all real estate is a monopoly for landowners. This is because the supply of land is strictly limited, giving excessive negotiating power to whoever owns it.

But these apps overwhelmingly rely on auctions, which can itself be a problem due to what is called the “winner’s curse”.

Studies have shown that so long as there are at least two motivated bidders, the winning bid tends to either equal the value, or be one bid above it. In other words, the winning bidder in an auction will often overpay and will “suffer” for having won.

In the case of renters, this means paying excessive rents throughout the lease. Even worse, as more people bid similarly, the ruinous rents become accepted as normal. They become the market rent.

This same phenomenon has been shown in everything from jars of coins to oil-drilling rights and, yes, real estate.

Some research has further shown that in an auction the second-highest bid could be the “rational price”.

My own controlled experiments have shown that people are easily encouraged by necessity to bid excessively in auctions. This is despite full knowledge of the ruinous consequences.

This is because people have only a limited capacity to vary their needs. We all need to live somewhere, and our culture limits the options. If the option is sharing with relatives or accepting a lower standard of living due to high rents, then our sense of independence will often prompt our willingness to tighten our belts.

These rental apps will play into these stresses and uncertainties, making it more likely people will overbid in the auctions. This is why these rental apps are likely to result in higher rents.

How technology can reduce rents

Some time ago researchers suggested that renters might be able to reduce rents by banding together.

Working together, renters would be able to create the equivalent of there being only one buyer in the market – a monopsony. A monopsony works like a monopoly, but for buyers rather than sellers. For real estate rents, if land owners enjoy a natural monopoly-like advantage, then tenants have to behave like a monopsony to negate the power imbalance.

The current crop of rental apps do not address this imbalance. They only inform bidders as to what other, similarly stressed people, are bidding. It stresses them to bid higher.

Already, we are seeing the power of Facebook to build communities around renting. There are groups that help people find flatmates, for example. If the internet is to tackle the problem of renting affordability, then we need to extend this community, for renters to act in unison on rent.

Without a service that seeks to unite renters, rather than have them compete, housing affordability will only get worse. Rent bidding apps will increase landlord revenues and do so at the expense of tenants.

Housing still out of reach for many even as rents fall in post-boom Western Australia

From The Conversation.

As rents soar in Melbourne and Sydney, the rental market in Western Australia has become more affordable for low-wage workers since the end of the mining boom. But many households still struggle to find affordable accommodation.

Today Anglicare released its annual national Rental Affordability Snapshot, which includes a focus on each state.

In WA, 14,123 private rentals were advertised at the beginning of April, up 8% from a year ago. With increased stock, rents are becoming more affordable across the state. The median rent in the Perth metro area fell 11% to A$350; by 6% in the Southwest and Great Southern regions; and by 7% in the Northwest, including the Pilbara and Kimberley.

Following years of inflated rents during the mining boom, working families in WA are seeing some real improvement in rental affordability – defined as less than 30% of household income. More than 46% of properties listed in Perth were found to be affordable for a couple both earning minimum wages and receiving Family Tax Benefit in 2017, compared to 39% in 2016. Similar families could afford 23% of properties in Melbourne and only 4% in Sydney.

Single parents on a minimum wage had far fewer options. They could afford only 6% of listed properties in Perth. In all of Sydney and Melbourne, only one property was affordable for single parents on a minimum wage.

The situation remains dire for households on fixed incomes in WA – as it does for similar households across Australia. A person on a disability pension could afford only 25 properties (0.2% of available properties). A single parent could afford 48 (0.3%). And pensioners could afford 105 (2.7%) in all of WA.

People on Newstart or Youth Allowance had no affordable options in the entire state. This includes boarding houses and share houses, where rooms are rented out individually.

What are the consequences?

With more than 18,500 households on the waiting list for social housing and an average wait time of three years, most low-income households must find somewhere to live in the private rental market. When housing is unaffordable, low-income households end up paying a large percentage of their income on rent. Doing this means they forgo basic necessities, borrow money to stay afloat and, in some cases, experience homelessness.

The number of people at risk of homelessness is increasing every year. More than 24,000 Western Australians sought help from a homelessness service in 2016, an increase of 5% from the previous year.

The slowing state economy has brought insecurity and uncertainty to many working families. With growing rates of unemployment and under-employment, and increased casualisation of the workforce, many WA households are in precarious financial circumstances.

Anglicare WA financial counsellors report an increase in requests from tenants who have had to break their lease due to a job loss or needing to move interstate for employment. They find themselves liable for the period the rental remains vacant in the soft housing market, as well as the difference between the rent they paid and the likely reduced rent for new tenants.

Landlords remain protected from the loss, while the tenants often end up paying for a home they no longer live in.

What can be done?

To start with, increasing the stock of social housing would go some way to overcoming the lack of affordable options for people on low incomes.

The creation of affordable housing bonds, similar to those discussed by Treasurer Scott Morrison in his address to the Affordable Housing and Urban Research Institute earlier this month, would create a pool of funds for social housing providers to use to build more stock. However, such a mechanism is still many years off.

In the meantime, increasing the rate of Newstart from the current $268 per week to ensure a basic standard of living for job-seekers would bring households living in poverty back from the brink of homelessness.

Two other policy options would also help improve housing affordability for people on low incomes. The government should remove distortions in the tax system that inflate the cost of housing and discourage institutional investment in the private rental sector. Commonwealth Rent Assistance could also be increased and better targeted.

The main conclusion from this study is that broader discussions about housing affordability overlook the fact that the private rental market is not capable of meeting the needs of many people on low and fixed incomes without trapping them in poverty by consuming most of their available funds.

Author: Shae Garwood, Honorary Research Fellow, School of Social and Cultural Studies, University of Western Australia

Half Of Households Are In Rental Stress

According to the latest modelling from Digital Finance Analytics, around half of all households in rental accommodation are struggling to pay their rent on time.

Across all households, more than 30% are renting, and this has been rising as the costs of property escalate, mirroring the rise in mortgaged households.

Within the rental sector, around half are fine, but 37% are in mild rental stress (meaning they are making their rental payments by cutting back on other spending, putting more on credit cards and generally hunkering down). An additional 13% are in serve rental stress (meaning they are struggling to pay their rent on time and are likely to fall behind). We look at total cash flow, not a set proportion going on the rent (e.g. 30%).

Static incomes, underemployment and rising costs of living all add to the pressure, despite an overall fall in rental yields.

There is a strong correlation between rental stress and the proportion income going to make rental payments.  In some cases of severe stress, there is not enough income from all sources directly to cover the rent, and they are forced to borrow to fill the gap, or use savings.

We can also look across the rental sector by our household segments. Seniors are most likely to be in severe stress, but other groups are also being hit by rental stress. Many wealth seniors are tapping into savings to survive but stressed seniors do not necessarily have this option.  Fuel bills are a particular concern for many.

This analysis shows that we cannot just focus on housing affordability for owner occupied purchasers; housing policy must also cover the rental sector, where the supply of affordable rental property is a major issue. Once again joined-up strategic thinking is required to tackle this intractable problem.

Rental Stress Now Hits 42.5% of Low Income Households

The latest report from the Productivity Commission “Report on Government Services 2017, Volume G: Housing and homelessness” shows rental stress is on the rise. Nationally, the proportion of low income renter households in rental stress increased from 35.4 per cent in 2007-08 to 42.5 per cent in 2013-14.

This is an indirect, but significant impact of the ever rising un-affordable housing burden.

In addition, the report included data on Commonwealth Rent Assistance (CRA) showing a rise in payment to reduce rental stress, of $4.4 billion in 2015-16. A further hidden impact of high housing costs.

CRA helps eligible people meet the cost of rental housing in the private market, aiming to reduce the incidence of rental stress. It is an Australian Government non-taxable income supplement, paid to recipients of income support payment, ABSTUDY, Family Tax Benefit Part A, or a Veteran’s service pension or income support supplement.

Australian Government expenditure on CRA was $4.4 billion in 2015-16, increasing in real terms from $3.6 billion in 2011-12. The average government CRA expenditure per eligible income unit was $3251 in 2015-16.

Nationally in June 2016, there were 1 345 983 income units receiving CRA . Of these, 79.4 per cent paid enough rent to be eligible to receive the maximum rate of CRA (an increase from 75.0 per cent in 2012).

The median CRA payment at June 2016 was $130 per fortnight, with median rent being $437 per fortnight.

CRA and rental stress

Rental stress is defined as more than 30 per cent of household income being spent on rent, and is a separate sector-wide indicator. CRA is indexed to the Consumer Price Index (CPI) but rental costs have increased at a faster rate than the CPI since 2008 (ABS 2016), so the real value of CRA payments has decreased for individuals in that time.

Nationally in June 2016, 68.2 per cent of CRA income units would have paid more than 30 per cent of their gross income on rent if CRA were not provided — with CRA this proportion was 41.2 per cent.

The table below presents a range of CRA data, including Australian Government expenditure and information on CRA income units — including Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander recipients, those with special needs — and those in rural and remote areas.