Tag: The Treasury

Should You Pay For A Paper Bill?

Interesting consultation from the Treasury of the impact of digital migration of consumer bills, and the emerging trend to charge for a paper version, which may adversely be impacting those unable or unwilling to go digital.  They suggest 1.2 million households are digitally excluded.

NBN Co forecasts that 94 per cent of households will have internet access by 2020, and 100 per cent by 2030. However, there is still a sizeable minority – 1.3 million households as of 2015 – who do not have access to the internet. These consumers currently have no practical way to transition to digital billing.

Individuals surveyed provided a variety of reasons for not accessing the internet. Many of the reasons provided do not suggest that the individuals fall into disadvantaged groups. However many cite a lack confidence or knowledge to access the internet or cost as the main reason for not accessing the internet. Based on the number of households who indicated cost or knowledge as their reason for not accessing the internet, Treasury estimates there are approximately 1.2 million Australians who do not have internet access at home because they either cannot afford it or because they believe they do not have sufficient technical skills. Given the relatively low cost and large benefits associated with having internet access, Treasury assumes a majority of the consumers who indicated cost as coming from one of the disadvantaged groups described. Additionally, in digital inclusion suggest many consumers who indicated lack of knowledge as a reason not to access the internet also likely come from one of the disadvantaged groups identified above.

In addition to those with no internet access there are also many Australians who lack the technical skills or appropriate technology to enable them to pay bills online. Digital inclusion is a measure of groups and individuals ability to access and use information and provides some insight into the makeup of this group.

Digital inclusion tends to decline with age and is lower among Australians with a disability and Indigenous Australians. Additionally, one in five Australians only has access to the internet through a mobile device. Modern mobile devices allow users to complete a majority of tasks that previously required a laptop or desktop, however some users may have difficulty reviewing their bills on a three to five inch screen. Mobile only internet access has been linked with socioeconomic factors including low income and low education levels.

Consumers who elect to receive paper bills and pay fees due to fear of online scams are an important subset of this group, although paper bills may also lead to identity fraud through mailbox theft. Unfamiliarity with the internet has been raised by many stakeholders as key reason why consumers do not want to transition to digital billing and justification for opposing paper billing fees.

Some consumers with lower levels of digital inclusion will still chose to receive digital bills. However a subset of this group will face significant barriers that may prevent them from accessing bills online and will instead pay paper billing fees. This suggests that there are likely disadvantaged consumers who have access to the internet, but still have no choice but to pay paper billing fees.

The provision of bills in a digital format, when compared to paper billing is often seen as a simpler, lower-cost and more environmentally friendly option for businesses and a more convenient option for consumers. Digital bills can also be integrated with other digital services and information such as electronic reminders or notifications, access to previous billing information, and online changes to personal details. For these reasons, it is viewed by some as being in the interest of business and the broader community to transition customers to digital bills. Paper billing fees – a charge for customers who elect to receive a paper bill – are a common mechanism used to encourage consumers to make the change to digital bills.

While many consumers may have the option to transition to digital bills, but choose to pay paper billing fees due to personal preference, there is a concern that this is not the case for all consumers. These consumers may pay paper billing fees out of necessity, because they do not have the ability to access digital bills.

There may be scope for the Government to take action to protect these consumers.

The policy options analysed in this RIS are:

  • Option 1 — the status quo, with an industry led consumer education campaign;
  • Option 2 — prohibition (ban) on paper billing fees;
  • Option 3 — prohibiting essential service providers from charging consumers to receive paper bills;
  • Option 4 — limiting paper billing fees to a cost recovery basis;
  • Option 5 – promoting exemptions through behavioural approaches.

Further evidence on the likely impact of all options is required to conduct an informed evaluation of the options and to determine which approach should be pursued. The views of stakeholders will inform a final, Decision Making Council of Australian Governments (COAG) RIS.

 

US Corporate Tax Reform: Implications for the Rest of the World

The Treasure has released a paper “US Corporate Tax Reform: Implications for the rest of the world” which examines the likely impacts of the US reforms on the US and on the rest of the world, placing the US changes in the context of the global trend toward lower corporate taxes.

The paper says that the economic impact of the Republicans’ tax plan will depend on how time and compromise shape the package that is ultimately legislated. Key in this regard is the size of the cut, how it is funded and whether investors believe it is a permanent reduction.

On 27 September 2017, the United States (US) Administration and Republican Congressional leadership released a framework for US tax reform, including a reduction in the federal corporate tax rate from 35 to 20 per cent.

The key elements of tax framework with respect to corporate tax are:

  • a reduction in the federal corporate income tax rate from 35 to 20 per cent;
  • immediate expensing of depreciable assets (except structures) for at least 5 years;
  • limitations on interest deductions;
  • the removal of the domestic production deduction;
  • an exemption for dividends paid by foreign subsidies to US companies (where the US company owns 10 per cent or more of the foreign company); and
  • a one-time tax on overseas profits.

These proposals were reflected in the draft of the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act released by the House Ways and Means Committee on 2 November 2017.

This paper examines the likely impact of this reform on the US and rest of the world, placing the US changes in the context of the global trend toward lower corporate taxes.

In theory, a corporate tax rate cut stimulates investment by making more investment opportunities sufficiently profitable to attract financing. The extent to which this is the case in practice will depend on how the tax cut is funded and whether investors consider the tax cut to be permanent. If the corporate tax rate cut results in an overall reduction in tax on US investments and investors believe that the tax cut is permanent, we are likely to see an increase in the level of US investment. If investors believe that the tax cut is temporary, the effect on US investment may be minimal. Ultimately, the economic impact of the plan on the US will depend on how time and compromise shape the final package.

If a US corporate tax cut does result in an investment boom, goods, labour and funds will be required. In a scenario in which the investment boom is largely funded domestically from US savings, negative impacts on the rest of the world are likely to be short-lived and modest.

Realistically, however, a US investment boom is likely to be only partially funded domestically and would draw funds and goods from the rest of the world. In this scenario, the rest of the world would experience a decline in capital stock resulting from the flow of capital into the US. The magnitude of the resulting welfare loss in those countries will depend on the size of the US corporate tax cut; how it is funded; the elasticity of the US labour supply response and the US saving response. For Australia, the size of the negative impact will also depend on how other countries respond.

While the size of the US economy means changes to the US tax system have particular significance, it is important to consider these reforms as part of an ongoing trend. As capital markets have become increasingly global and business location increasingly mobile, governments have sought to drive economic growth in their jurisdictions by lowering corporate tax rates. The US reforms have the potential to accelerate tax competition between jurisdictions, making Australia’s current corporate tax rate increasingly uncompetitive internationally.

While the Administration and Republican Congressional leadership have indicated that they will ‘set aside’ the idea contained in the House Republicans’ 2016 plan to move to a destination-based cash flow tax (DBCFT), this paper also provides a discussion of the theoretical underpinnings of the proposal.

The Problem of Business Investment

John Fraser, Secretary to the Treasury spoke about Australia’s Business Investment Challenge in his Sir Leslie Melville Lecture.

The bottom line is as the mining investment boom ended, Australia has struggled with weak investment in the non-mining sectors, weighing on the labour market, productivity and ultimately economic growth.

Governments to pursue coordinated reforms that provide businesses with certainty, promote innovation and productivity improvements and support the ongoing transformation of the economy.

But there are no silver bullets!

One thing we know will be vital to our economic prosperity going forward is business investment.

Investment in new productive capacity creates employment opportunities, raises future incomes and supports innovation.

Recent Treasury research indicates that Australia has generally been more reliant on capital deepening than multifactor productivity growth to fuel its aggregate labour productivity growth.

This research is publicly available on the Treasury Research Institute website.

We are doing far more research in Treasury but some necessarily must remain confidential.

Productivity-enhancing policies are vital because of the link between productivity gains and real wage increases.

We know that higher productivity is the best way to increase real wages across the economy and, based on Treasury’s recent analysis of longitudinal business data, it is clear that average real wages are higher for businesses with higher labour productivity.

Both capital deepening and multifactor productivity will be important to support further growth in labour productivity – so business investment is critical to our economic prosperity.

Recent trends

Over the past decade, Australia’s experience with business investment has played out in two starkly different stages.

Chart 1 – This chart shows the unprecedented investment boom to build new supply capacity in the mining sector in response to strong demand for resources and higher commodity prices.

Chart 1: Business investment

Such was the strength of the mining boom that total business investment increased as a per cent of GDP noticeably over this period.

This was one important factor in our economy’s resilience through the GFC, supporting jobs in a whole range of industries and seeing benefits flow on to wages and capital returns throughout the economy.

Of course, it is hard to know precisely why our economy fared so well during the GFC.

The flexibility of the economy, prudent monetary policy and a sound financial system – as well as demand from China – all played their part but it is difficult to single out any individual factor.

While mining investment declined for a time during the GFC, the demand for our resources was such that mining investment increased through to its peak in 2012-13, helping to counteract the global tide of recession through that period.

Since then, mining investment has rapidly receded.

Crucially, business investment outside of the mining sector did not take up the slack as the trend in mining investment reversed.

The share of non-mining business investment as a per cent of GDP began to fall following the GFC, and in recent years has fallen to around its lowest share of GDP in the past 50 years.

In 2016‑17, non-mining business investment was around 9 per cent of GDP.

As is clear from the chart, this is between 2 and 2 ½ percentage points of GDP below the long run average prior to the GFC – so there remains a gap that we would hope non-mining investment could fill.

In an environment of low interest rates and generally positive economic developments the extent of the weakness in non-mining investment was somewhat perplexing.

Australia has not been alone in facing this challenge.

In meetings with my counterparts from the New Zealand, Canada, UK and Ireland Treasuries over recent years weak business investment has been one of the key concerns discussed.

COBA welcomes Government move on credit reporting

COBA says consumers stand to benefit from the Turnbull Government’s decision to nudge major banks to participate in comprehensive credit reporting (CCR).

“COBA welcomes Treasurer Scott Morrison’s announcement of a CCR regime from 1 July next year, starting with the four major banks,” said COBA Acting CEO Dominic Dunn.

“As the Treasurer notes, other lenders are likely to follow suit quickly to improve their competitive position and their credit decision making.

“COBA’s position is that participation in CCR should be voluntary for smaller lenders because they have more of an incentive to participate than the largest lenders and should be able to do so according to their own priorities and resources.

“The landmark Financial System Inquiry (FSI) report in 2014 found that the net benefits of participating will differ between different classes of credit provider. For a major institution with a relatively large customer base, early participation may provide, at least initially, relatively larger benefits to smaller participants than for the institution itself.

“But as participation and system-wide data grow, net benefits increase for all CCR participants.

“CCR has the potential to increase competition because lenders will have more information about consumers, which means they will be able to better match credit types and amounts to borrower capacity. Lenders will have capacity to more accurately price credit relative to the risk profile of the borrower.

“The banking market is an oligopoly and regulatory interventions must be designed to give the competitive fringe of smaller players every chance to take on the major banks.

“The Treasurer’s announcement on CCR is consistent with this approach. Regulatory compliance costs have a big impact on the competitive capacity of smaller players.”

The Treasury View Of Household Debt

John Fraser, Secretary to the Treasury, gave an update on household finances and housing as part of his opening statement to the October 2017 Senate Estimates.  More evidence of the Council of Financial Regulators group-think?  The view that debt is born by those with the greater capacity to repay belies the leverage effect of larger loans in a rising interest rate environment.

Housing market and dwelling investment

The housing market is another sector which we will be monitoring closely.

In recent times, Australia has experienced one of the largest booms in housing construction since Federation, supported by record low interest rates and strong population growth.

Since June 2014, dwelling investment has constituted around 11 per cent of our economic growth.

Much of this has been driven by an unprecedented increase in the construction of high-rise apartment blocks in our east-coast cities.  As a proportion of GDP, medium and high density housing construction is now 1.7 per cent, more than double its long-run average.

Housing market activity also continues to be characterised by some quite stark regional differences. Over the past three years, dwelling price growth in our capital cities has been around double that of regional areas. Also, as the east-coast states have experienced strong growth in investment and prices, the market in Western Australia has been much weaker.

However, as noted at Budget, forward indicators of housing construction, notably for apartments appear to have peaked.

The most recent national accounts show that dwelling investment grew by 1.6 per cent in 2016-17, which is less than we expected at Budget.

We expect that residential construction activity will decline moderately over the next few years, although an elevated pipeline of building work will underpin the sector.  Strong population growth in our east-coast cities will also support housing demand going forward.

Victoria continues to have the fastest growing population of all the States and Territories, growing at around 2.4 per cent through the year to the March quarter 2017.  New South Wales and Queensland each had population growth of about 1.6 per cent through the year to the March quarter 2017.

Over the past few months, dwelling price growth has moderated in our east-coast cities. After years of strong price growth, this is desirable.

Household debt

The state of household finances is an issue that is getting close attention in Australia and that is understandable – but it should be placed in context.

Several considerations should provide some comfort to those concerned about household debt levels.

While household debt has risen over recent years, interest rates have also fallen.

The net result is that the share of household disposable income going to interest payments is currently around its long-term average.

Many households have taken advantage of low interest rates to build substantial mortgages buffers, currently equivalent to over 2 ½ years of scheduled repayments at current interest rates.

And the distribution of that debt is concentrated in high income households, with around 60 per cent of debt held by households in Australia’s top two income quintiles – households that are best positioned to service that debt.

More broadly, any assessment of the sustainability of Australia’s household debt position requires consideration of the assets that those households hold against their debt. We shouldn’t just think about one side of the household balance sheet.

The Australian household sector’s asset holdings are considerable, at around five times greater than its debts – Australian households may have over $2 trillion in debt, but they also hold over $12 trillion in assets.

That said, asset values can always fall (and often do) while debt values generally don’t, squeezing net worth in the process.

And perhaps more importantly, around 75 per cent of household assets are in housing and superannuation.

The fact that households need homes to live in, that it takes time to sell properties, and that superannuation is ‘locked away’ until retirement means that these assets cannot easily provide liquidity to households during periods of financial stress.

It’s also the case that higher debt levels have made households more sensitive to any increase in interest rates in the future.

The Reserve Bank will be mindful of this when thinking about domestic monetary policy, though global monetary conditions can also impact upon the wholesale funding costs of Australian banks.

For these reasons, Australian financial regulators are alive to the risks presented by household sector debt, and will continue to closely monitor and enforce sound lending practices by Australian financial institutions

Macroprudential policies

House price growth has moderated recently and there are welcome signs of moderation in investor and interest-only residential lending activity.

However, it is too soon to make a final assessment of the impact of APRA’s March 2017 macroprudential measures on lending.

These measures included maintaining the growth limit on investor loans first introduced in December 2014 at 10 per cent and limiting the flow of new interest-only lending to 30 per cent of total new lending.

Treasury and regulators will continue to be vigilant in assessing developments in the financial system and the adequacy of policy settings for maintaining financial stability.

While banks’ progress against these measures has been positive, regulators will need to think carefully about whether future efforts to maintain financial stability should lean against cyclical excesses or address structural risks within the financial system.

The BEAR Roars!

The Treasury released the exposure draft of the Banking Executive Accountability Regime, open for consultation until 29th Sept 2017.

The Bill amends the Banking Act to establish the BEAR: an enhanced accountability framework for ADIs and persons in director and senior executive roles.

  • The BEAR imposes a clearer accountability regime on ADIs and people with significant influence over conduct and behaviour in an ADI. It requires them to conduct themselves with honesty and integrity and to ensure the business activities for which they are responsible are carried out effectively.
  • It does this by creating a new definition of ‘accountable person’. An accountable person is a Board member or senior executive with responsibility for management or control of significant or substantial parts or aspects of the ADI group.
  • The general requirement placed on accountable persons is framed in the context of their particular responsibilities. These will be clearly defined in accountability statements for each accountable person and an accountability map for each ADI group.
  • Accountability maps and statements are designed to give APRA greater visibility of lines of responsibility. The maps will clearly allocate responsibilities throughout the ADI group, to ensure that all parts or elements of the group are covered.
  • An ADI must comply with its BEAR obligations. These include new accountability, remuneration and key personnel obligations. An ADI must ensure that it has a remuneration policy consistent with the BEAR, its accountable person roles are filled and it has given accountability statements and maps to APRA.
  • ADIs must set remuneration policies deferring an accountable person’s variable remuneration to ensure accountable persons do not engage in behaviours inconsistent with BEAR obligations.
  • APRA will have additional powers concerning examination and disqualification to let it implement the BEAR.
  • If an ADI breaches its BEAR obligations, significant civil penalties may be imposed by a court.
  • Recognising there are different business models and group structures in the banking industry, the Bill uses both high level principles as well as prescribed detail. The BEAR will work with existing legislative and regulatory frameworks

The ABA were unimpressed in a statement from Anna Bligh, Australian Bankers’ Association Chief Executive:

“The seven day consultation period announced by the Federal Government on new banking executive accountability laws is grossly inadequate and playing fast and loose with a critical sector of the economy.

“The industry recognises that improving senior executive accountability is crucial for customers to have trust in banks.

“Banks want to work with the Federal Government to get this right, but just seven days to consult is not good enough.

“This is a significant piece of reform that impacts on the integrity of banks and the stability of the financial system and it needs thorough scrutiny.

“It’s an entirely new addition to the system of corporate governance in Australia. The Government’s timeframe risks serious unintended consequences.

“The ABA urges the Government to extend the consultation period and do the proper due diligence to ensure that the objective of improving senior executive accountability is met.”

 

An affordable housing own goal for Scott Morrison

From The New Daily.

There was considerable shock on Friday when Treasurer Scott Morrison announced legislation that could block billions of dollars of new housing supply – bizarrely enough, in the name of ‘affordable housing’.

Property developers are aghast at Mr Morrison’s draft legislation, because although they see it as giving a small leg-up to the community housing sector, they think it will block literally billions of dollars in investment in mainstream rental dwellings.

Both measures relate to an established way of bringing together large pools of money from institutions or wealthy individuals as ‘managed investment trusts’ (MITs).

Mr Morrison’s draft law is offering MITs a 60 per cent capital gains tax discount for investing in developments run by recognised ‘community housing providers’, rather than the normal 50 per cent discount.

But at the same time the legislation bans MITs from investing in all other residential developments.

The reason that has shocked property developers is that they have been anticipating for some time that MITs would play a major role in the emerging ‘build-to-rent’ housing market.

Two types of build-to-rent

There is some confusion around the term ‘build-to-rent’ at present, because it is being used to describe two quite different kinds of housing, both of which are booming in the UK and US.

The first is a straightforward commercial proposition. A developer might build a 100-dwelling development – be it townhouses, low-rise apartments, or high-rise flats – but instead of selling off each home to speculators or owner-occupiers, it retains ownership and rents them out directly.

The second variation is similar, but involves government subsidies and the input of community housing providers, to keep rents low.

That model, being championed by the likes of shadow housing minister Doug Cameron, would connect large investors such as local super funds or overseas pension funds, with long-term investments that provide secure, good-quality rental properties to lower-income Australians.

So when you read the term ‘build-to-let’, have a look at who is using it – it could mean fancy apartments with swimming pools, gyms or other communal facilities, or just decent housing that cash-strapped people can afford.

A fatal contradiction

What’s so surprising about Mr Morrison’s two new measures, is that they appear to work against each other.

One is trying to push rents down for low-income groups squeezed out of the mainstream market, but the other looks to crimp supply in the mainstream market and thereby push rents up.

That would be a big mistake, because both kinds of new dwellings are needed as our increasingly dysfunctional capital cities look for ways to ‘retro-fit’ sprawling suburbs with higher-density housing.

For many years now I have complained that the housing market didn’t have to get to this point – negative gearing and the capital gains tax breaks that have helped push home ownership out of reach of many Australians should have been reined in years ago.

But they were not, and the market, and the economy more generally, has become dangerously unbalanced by the housing credit bubble that those tax breaks created.

If that imbalance is successfully unwound – by wages catching up to house prices – it will be a small miracle, but it will also take a long time.

In the meantime, increasing housing supply in the right areas of our capital cities is a good way to keep a lid on prices, albeit rents rather then purchase prices – though an abundance of good rental properties can lower those, too.

That is what Mr Morrison’s draft legislation is jeopardising.

Labor, as you might expect, has slammed the ban on MIT investments, which shadow treasurer Chris Bowen says “has completely ambushed the property and construction sector”.

Much rarer, is for the Treasurer to be at odds with the Property Council – the lobby group he worked for between 1989 and 1995.

But it has also been scathing of the change.

It said on Friday: “The answer to Australia’s housing problem is more supply. Build to rent has the potential to harness new investment that could deliver tens of thousands of new homes and provide a greater diversity of choice for renters.

“… the unintended consequence of the draft legislation is to completely close down the capacity for Managed Investment Trusts (MITs) to invest in build to rental accommodation. This risks stalling build-to-rent before it starts.”

Given that kind of opposition, it’s hard to see the MIT investment ban becoming law – or if it did, the government that put such a ban in place ever living it down.

Treasury Releases Affordable Housing Measures

As part of the 2017-18 Budget, the Government announced it would be providing tax incentives to increase private and institutional investment in affordable housing. They have now released an exposure draft for comment.

The legislation proposes an additional 10% Capital Gains Tax (CGT) benefit for investors who provide affordable housing via a recognised community housing entity.

It also allows investment for affordable housing to be made via Managed Investment Trusts (MIT).

The purpose of public consultation is to seek stakeholder views on the exposure draft legislation and explanatory material. Deadline for submissions is 28th September.

Changes To CGT.

The Bill encourages investment in affordable housing for members of the community earning low to moderate incomes. This is achieved by allowing investors to have an additional affordable housing capital gains discount of up to 10 percent at the time a CGT event occurs to an ownership interest in a dwelling that is residential premises that has been used to provide affordable housing. By reducing the CGT that is payable upon disposal of affordable housing, it ensures that a greater proportion of the gain realised at disposal is retained by the investor.

The additional capital gains discount applies to investments by individuals directly in affordable housing or investments in affordable housing by individuals through trusts (other than public unit trusts and superannuation funds), including MITs to the extent the distribution or attribution is to the individual and includes such a capital gain.

An individual is eligible for an additional affordable housing capital gains discount (direct investment) on a capital gain if they:

  • make a discount capital gain from a CGT event happening in relation to a CGT asset that is their ownership interest in a dwelling; and
  • used the dwelling to provide affordable housing for at least three years (1095 days) which may be aggregate usage over different periods.

Only dwellings that are residential premises that are not commercial residential premises can be used to provide affordable housing. Therefore this measure does not apply to caravans, mobile homes and houseboats as they are not residential premises.

The tenancy of the  dwelling or its availability for rent to be exclusively managed by an eligible community housing provider. Community housing providers provide rental housing to tenants who are members of the community earning low to moderate incomes. Community housing providers may own some of the dwellings, however they also manage dwellings on behalf of investors, institutions and state and territory governments. Many community housing providers specialise in providing accommodation to particular client groups which may include disability housing, aged tenants and youth housing. Community housing providers are regulated by the states and territories. For the purposes of this measure an eligible community housing provider is an entity that is registered as a community housing provider to provide community housing services under a law of the Commonwealth, state or territory or is registered by an Australian.

Affordable housing through managed investment trusts.

The proposals will amend taxation laws to encourage managed investment trusts (MITs) to invest in affordable housing. They:

  • allow MITs to invest in dwellings that are residential premises (but not commercial residential premises) that are used to provide affordable housing primarily for the purpose of deriving rent; and
  • apply the concessional 15 per cent withholding tax rate to fund payments: – to the extent they consist of affordable housing rental income and certain capital gains from dwelling used to provide affordable housing; and – that are paid or attributed to MIT members who are foreign residents of jurisdictions which Australia has listed as an exchange of information country.

A MIT is a type of unit trust which investors can use to collectively invest in assets that produce passive income, such as shares, property or fixed interest assets. There also currently is significant uncertainty about the eligibility rules for trusts being MITs if investments are made in dwellings that are residential premises. This is because there is a view that investment in residential property is not made for a primary purpose of earning rental income. It is instead for delivering capital gains from increased property values, and therefore not eligible for the MIT tax concessions.

This measure clarifies the eligibility rules for trusts to be MITs if they invest in dwellings that are residential premises. This will help to provide investors with investment certainty. This change will not, however, affect MITs investing in commercial  residential premises. This means that trusts can invest in commercial residential premises and qualify as MITs provided this investment is primarily for the purpose of deriving rent consistent with the eligible investment business rules.

 

Credit Card Rules Tightened

The Treasury has released draft legislation for review which is designed to improving consumer outcomes and enhancing competition. The purpose of the amendments is to reduce the likelihood of consumers being granted excessive credit limits, to align the way interest is charged with consumers’ reasonable expectations and to make it easier for consumers to terminate a credit card or reduce a credit limit.

The draft Bill would:

  • require that affordability assessments be based on a consumer’s ability to repay the credit limit within a reasonable period;
  • prohibit unsolicited offers of credit limit increases;
  • simplify how interest is calculated, including prohibiting credit card providers from backdating interest charges; and
  • require credit card providers to have online options to cancel a credit card or to reduce credit limits.

The consultation on the draft Bill will close on Wednesday, 23 August 2017.

Reform 1: tighten responsible lending obligations for credit card contracts

This introduces a new requirement that a consumer’s unsuitability for a credit card contract or credit limit increase be assessed on whether the consumer could repay an amount equivalent to the credit limit of the contract within a period determined by the Australian Securities and Investments Commission (ASIC).

This requirement will apply to licensees that provide credit assistance, and licensees that are credit providers, in relation to both new and existing credit card contracts from 1 January 2019. Existing civil and criminal penalties for breaches of the responsible lending obligations will apply to breaches of the new requirement. Existing infringement notice powers will also apply.

Reform 2: prohibit unsolicited credit limit offers in relation to credit card contracts

This prohibits credit card providers from making any unsolicited credit limit offers by broadening the existing prohibition to all forms of communication and removing the informed consent exemption. These amendments apply in relation to both new and existing credit card contracts from 1 January 2018. Existing civil and criminal penalties for breaches of the prohibition against unsolicited credit limit offers will apply. Existing infringement notice powers will also apply.

Reform 3: simplify the calculation of interest charges under credit card contracts

These amendments will prevent credit card providers from imposing interest charges retrospectively to a credit card balance, or part of a balance, that has had the benefit of an interest-free period. These amendments apply in relation to both new and existing credit card contracts from 1 January 2019.

Failure to comply with this requirement attracts civil penalties of 2,000 penalty units and criminal penalties of 50 penalty units. The infringement notice scheme contained in the Credit Act will also apply.

Reform 4: reducing credit limits and terminating credit card contracts, including by online means

A key amendment is to require credit card contracts entered into on or after 1 January 2019 to allow consumers to request to reduce the limit of their credit card (a ‘credit limit reduction entitlement’) or terminate a credit card contract (a ‘credit card termination requirement’).

Where a credit card contract contains a credit limit reduction entitlement or a credit card termination requirement the amendments also provide for the following:

  • the credit card provider must provide an online means for the consumer to make a request to reduce their credit card limit or terminate their credit card contract;
  • following such a request, the credit card provider must not make a suggestion that is contrary to the consumer’s request; and
  • the credit card provider must take reasonable steps to ensure that the request is given effect to.

These further amendments apply to credit card contracts entered into before, on or after 1 January 2019.

Failure to comply with these requirements attracts civil penalties of 2,000 penalty units and criminal penalties of 50 penalty units. The infringement notice scheme contained in the Credit Act will also apply.

 

Open Banking May Catalyse Digital Disruption

Last week Treasurer Scott Morrison’s media release on the proposal to introduce an open banking regime in Australia was framed around the requirement for banks to be able and willing (with customer agreement) to share product and customer data with third parties.

The timing is interesting given the disruptive rise of FinTechs and the fact there are new entities emerging across the banking value chain. Until recently banks tended to regard their data as a strategic asset (for example not sharing default data) but with positive credit now in force, this is already changing. So this is a logical next step, and should be welcomed.

From our work whit a number of FinTechs we know that access to data is one of the barriers to success, alongside concerns about data security, and identity fraud. Opening the door to data sharing may be laudable, but there are significant technical issues to work through.

If open banking arrives, it would have the potential to increase competition, and perhaps put pressure on bank product pricing, as well as differentiated servicing; but we will see. It may open the door to more automated product switching, as well as better portfolio management and cross-selling. It certainly is another dimension in the wave of digital disruption already in play, which is ultimately being facilitated by the adoption of mobile technologies and devices.

The Turnbull Government has commissioned an independent review to recommend the best approach to implement an Open Banking regime in Australia, with the report due by the end of 2017.

Greater consumer access to their own banking data and data on banking products will allow consumers to seek out products that better suit their circumstances, saving them money and allowing them to better achieve their financial goals. It will also create further opportunities for innovative business models to drive greater competition in banking and contribute to productivity growth.

The review will be ably led by Mr Scott Farrell. Mr Farrell is a Partner at King & Wood Mallesons and has more than 20 years’ experience in financial markets and financial systems law. Mr Farrell has given many years of service to the public and private sector in advising on, and guiding, regulatory and legal change in the financial sector. He has intimate knowledge of the financial technology (FinTech) sector and is a member of the Government’s FinTech Advisory Group.

Mr Farrell will be supported by a secretariat located within Treasury and will draw upon technical expertise from the private sector as required. The review will consult broadly with the banking, consumer advocacy and FinTech sectors and other interested parties in developing the report and recommendations.

The Review terms of reference have been released and an Issues Paper will shortly be made available for interested parties to provide input to the review.

Purpose of the review

The Government will introduce an open banking regime in Australia under which customers will have greater access to and control over their banking data. Open banking will require banks to share product and customer data with customers and third parties with the consent of the customer.

Data sharing will increase price transparency and enable comparison services to accurately assess how much a product would cost a consumer based on their behaviour and recommend the most appropriate products for them.

Open banking will drive competition in financial services by changing the way Australians use, and benefit from, their data. This will deliver increased consumer choice and empower bank customers to seek out banking products that better suit their circumstances.

Terms of reference

  1. The review will make recommendations to the Treasurer on:1.1. The most appropriate model for the operation of open banking in the Australian context clearly setting out the advantages and disadvantages of different data-sharing models.1.2. A regulatory framework under which an open banking regime would operate and the necessary instruments (such as legislation) required to support and enforce a regime.1.3. An implementation framework (including roadmap and timeframe) and the ongoing role for the Government in implementing an open banking regime.
  2. The recommendations will include examination of:2.1. The scope of the banking data sets to be shared (and any existing or potential sector standards), the parties which will be required to share the data sets, and the parties to whom the data sets will be provided.2.2. Existing and potential technical data transfer mechanisms for sharing relevant data (and existing or potential sector standards) including customer consent mechanisms.2.3. The key issues and risks such as customer usability and trust, security of data, liability, privacy safeguard requirements arising from the adoption of potential data transfer mechanisms and the enforcement of customer rights in relation to data sharing.

    2.4. The costs of implementation of an open banking regime and the means by which costs may be imposed on industry including consideration of industry-funded models.

  3. The review will have regard to:3.1. The Productivity Commission’s final report on Data Availability and Use and any government response to that report.3.2. Best practice developments internationally and in other industry sectors.3.3. Competition, fairness, innovation, efficiency, regulatory compliance costs and consumer protection in the financial system.

Process

The review will consult broadly with representatives from the banking, consumer advocacy and financial technology (FinTech) sectors and other interested parties in developing the report and recommendations.

The review will report to the Treasurer by the end of 2017.