Interesting statement from the Bank of Canada, their central bank.
During this time of heightened public health measures intended to limit the transmission of COVID-19, some consumers and businesses are choosing not to use cash to limit potential exposure. Refusing cash could put an undue burden on people who depend on cash as a means of payment. The Bank strongly advocates that retailers continue to accept cash to ensure Canadians can have access to the goods and services they need.
This is important, and like the Reserve Bank of New Zealand who also recently underscored the importance of cash in the economy, it reinforces the importance of keep real money available.
We look at the latest trends on Australian Bonds, Credit Markets and the recent IMF paper on negative interest rates – which they link to the need to restrict cash. This will not end well.
We look at the latest trends on Australian Bonds, Credit Markets and the recent IMF paper on negative interest rates – which they link to the need to restrict cash. This will not end well.
Hot off the press – How Can Interest Rates Be Negative? – we get the latest missive from the IMF which confirms precisely what we have been saying.
But the concern remains about the limits to negative interest rate policies so long as cash exists as an alternative.
Here is the article. Read, and weep….
Money has been around for a long time. And we have always
paid for using someone else’s money or savings. The charge for doing this is
known by many different words, from prayog in ancient Sanskrit to interest in
modern English. The oldest known example of an institutionalized, legal
interest rate is found in the Laws of Eshnunna, an ancient Babylonian text
dating back to about 2000 BC.
For most of history, nominal interest rates—stated rates
that borrowers pay on a loan—have been positive, that is, greater than zero.
However, consider what happens when the rate of inflation exceeds the return on
savings or loans. When inflation is 3 percent, and the interest rate on a loan
is 2 percent, the lender’s return after inflation is less than zero. In such a
situation, we say the real interest rate—the nominal rate minus the rate of
inflation—is negative.
In modern times, central banks have charged a positive
nominal interest rate when lending out short-term funds to regulate the
business cycle. However, in recent years, an increasing number of central banks
have resorted to low-rate policies. Several, including the European Central
Bank and the central banks of Denmark, Japan, Sweden, and Switzerland, have
started experimenting with negative interest rates —essentially making banks
pay to park their excess cash at the central bank. The aim is to encourage
banks to lend out those funds instead, thereby countering the weak growth that
persisted after the 2008 global financial crisis. For many, the world was
turned upside down: Savers would now earn a negative return, while borrowers
get paid to borrow money? It is not that simple.
Simply put, interest is the cost of credit or the cost of
money. It is the amount a borrower agrees to pay to compensate a lender for using
her money and to account for the associated risks. Economic theories
underpinning interest rates vary, some pointing to interactions between the
supply of savings and the demand for investment and others to the balance
between money supply and demand. According to these theories, interest rates
must be positive to motivate saving, and investors demand progressively higher
interest rates the longer money is borrowed to compensate for the heightened
risk involved in tying up their money longer. Hence, under normal
circumstances, interest rates would be positive, and the longer the term, the
higher the interest rate would have to be. Moreover, to know what an investment
effectively yields or what a loan costs, it important to account for inflation,
the rate at which money loses value. Expectations of inflation are therefore a
key driver of longer-term interest rates.
While there are many different interest rates in financial
markets, the policy interest rate set by a country’s central bank provides the
key benchmark for borrowing costs in the country’s economy. Central banks vary
the policy rate in response to changes in the economic cycle and to steer the
country’s economy by influencing many different (mainly short-term) interest
rates. Higher policy rates provide incentives for saving, while lower rates
motivate consumption and reduce the cost of business investment. A guidepost
for central bankers in setting the policy rate is the concept of the neutral
rate of interest : the long-term interest rate that is consistent with stable
inflation. The neutral interest rate neither stimulates nor restrains economic
growth. When interest rates are lower than the neutral rate, monetary policy is
expansionary, and when they are higher, it is contractionary.
Today, there is broad agreement that, in many countries,
this neutral interest rate has been on a clear downward trend for decades and
is probably lower than previously assumed. But the drivers of this decline are
not well understood. Some have emphasized the role of factors like long-term
demographic trends (especially the aging societies in advanced economies), weak
productivity growth, and the shortage of safe assets. Separately, persistently
low inflation in advanced economies, often significantly below their targets or
long-term averages, appears to have lowered markets’ long-term inflation
expectations. The combination of these factors likely explains the striking
situation in today’s bond markets: not only have long-term interest rates
fallen, but in many countries, they are now negative.
Returning to monetary policy, following the global financial
crisis, central banks cut nominal interest rates aggressively, in many cases to
zero or close to zero. We call this the zero lower bound, a point below which
some believed that interest rates could not go. But monetary policy affects an
economy through similar mechanics both above and below zero. Indeed, negative
interest rates also give consumers and businesses an incentive to spend or
invest money rather than leave it in their bank accounts, where the value would
be eroded by inflation. Overall, these aggressively low interest rates have
probably helped somewhat, where implemented, in stimulating economic activity,
though there remain uncertainties about side effects and risks.
A first concern with negative rates is their potential
impact on bank profitability. Banks perform a key function by matching savings
to useful projects that generate a high rate of return. In turn, they earn a
spread, the difference between what they pay savers (depositors) and what they
charge on the loans they make. When central banks lower their policy rates, the
general tendency is for this spread to be reduced, as overall lending and
longer-term interest rates tend to fall. When rates go below zero, banks may be
reluctant to pass on the negative interest rates to their depositors by
charging fees on their savings for fear that they will withdraw their deposits.
If banks refrain from negative rates on deposits, this could in principle turn
the lending spread negative, because the return on a loan would not cover the
cost of holding deposits. This could in turn lower bank profitability and
undermine financial system stability.
A second concern with negative interest rates on bank deposits
is that they would give savers an incentive to switch out of deposits into
holding cash. After all, it is not possible to reduce cash’s face value (though
some have proposed getting rid of cash altogether to make deeply negative rates
feasible when needed). Hence there has been a concern that negative rates could
reach a tipping point beyond which savers would flood out of banks and park
their money in cash outside the banking system. We don’t know for sure where
such an effective lower bound on interest rates is. In some scenarios, going
below this lower bound could undermine financial system liquidity and
stability.
In practice, banks can charge other fees to recoup costs,
and rates have not gotten negative enough for banks to try to pass on negative
rates to small depositors (larger depositors have accepted some negative rates
for the convenience of holding money in banks). But the concern remains about
the limits to negative interest rate policies so long as cash exists as an
alternative.
Overall, a low neutral rate implies that short-term interest rates could more frequently hit the zero lower bound and remain there for extended periods of time. As this occurs, central banks may increasingly need to resort to what were previously thought of as unconventional policies, including negative policy interest rates.
No, central banks are taking us down a blind alley!
The Australian government touts compulsory income management as a way to stop welfare payments being spent on alcohol, drugs or gambling. Via The Conversation.
The Howard government introduced the BasicsCard
more than a decade ago. About 22,500 welfare recipients now use it,
mostly in the Northern Territory. Now the Coalition government has big
plans for a more versatile Cashless Debit Card, trialled on about 12,700 people in four regional communities in Western Australia, South Australia and Queensland.
These trials aren’t complete, nor the findings compiled, but a string of senior ministers, including Prime Minister Scott Morrison, have indicated they are already sold on expanding the program.
Over the past year we have conducted the first independent, multisite study
of compulsory income management in Australia. It has involved 114
in-depth interviews at four sites: Playford (BasicsCard) and Ceduna
(Cashless Debit Card) in South Australia; Shepparton (BasicsCard) in
Victoria; and the Bundaberg and Hervey Bay region (Cashless Debit Card)
in Queensland. We also collected 199 survey responses from around
Australia.
Proponents of compulsory income management
champion its potential to “provide a stabilising factor in the lives of
families with regard to financial management and to encourage safe and
healthy expenditure of welfare dollars”, as the then social services
minister, Paul Fletcher, said in March last year.
Our study found some individuals
experience these benefits. But most face extra financial challenges.
These include not having enough cash for essential items, being unable
to shop at preferred outlets, being unable to buy second-hand goods, and
cards being declined even when they are supposed to work.
In Playford, Jacob* told us about being on
the BasicsCard, which can only be used with merchants that have agreed
to not allow cardholders to buy excluded goods.
The limits on where he could shop made it harder for him to manage his finances.
“I couldn’t make decisions about saving
money,” he told us. He and his wife used to catch the train to shop at
the Adelaide markets, for example, but vendors there couldn’t take the
BasicsCard.
The Cashless Debit Card is intended to
overcome the limitations of the BasicsCard. It’s like a debit card
except it can’t be used to withdraw cash or at businesses that sell
prohibited items.
But Emma*, a single mother in the
Bundaberg and Hervey Bay area, told of her struggles to make basic
purchases using the card. It often failed – even at businesses that
purportedly accepted it – and her family went without. She also felt
excluded from the markets and second-hand retailers where she used to
shop.
Her greatest stress, however, was rent.
Emma* said she had always been on time with rental payments until the
Cashless Debit Card. She described one occasion when, two days after
paying the rent, the money “bounced back” into her account. When she
rang the card’s administrator (card payment company Indue), she was told: “It’s just a minor teething issue, just keep trying.”
The extra stress from “worrying about
which payments were going to get paid” was considerable. Others shared
similar experiences.
Social (dis)integration
Supporters of compulsory income management
claim it brings people back into the community by combating addiction
and encouraging pro-social behaviour and economic contribution. As
federal Attorney-General Christian Porter said in 2018:
“The cashless debit card can help to stabilise the lives of young
people in the new trial locations by limiting spending on alcohol, drugs
and gambling and thus improving the chances of young Australians
finding employment or successfully completing education or training.”
However, our study found the card can also
stigmatise and infantilise users – pushing people without these
problems further to the margins.
One of the problems is that compulsory
income management is routinely applied based on where a person lives and
their payment type, and not on any history of problem behaviour. The
large majority of our respondents indicated they did not have alcohol,
drug or gambling issues.
But as Ray* in Ceduna explained, having the card meant others viewed him as a problem citizen.
I’m embarrassed every time I have to use
it at the supermarket, which is about the only place I do use it. I sort
of look around and see who’s behind me in the queue. I don’t want
anybody to see me using it.
This was a common experience across the interview sites.
Maryanne* in Shepparton told about being judged for shopping for groceries with her BasicsCard.
I got called a junkie and I said: ‘I’m not
a junkie, do you see any marks or anything?’ They were like: ‘No, but
you have a BasicsCard.’ I said: ‘What’s that got to do with it?
Centrelink gave it to me. I can’t do nothing.’
A path forward
The overwhelming finding from our study is
that compulsory income management is having a disabling, not an
enabling, impact on many users’ lives. As the policy has been extended,
more and more Australians with no pre-existing problems have been caught up in its path.
This does not mean a genuine voluntary
scheme could not be maintained, but it would need to sit alongside
evidence-based measures to tackle poverty.
Names have been changed to protect individuals’ privacy.
Authors: Greg Marston, Head of School, School of Social Science, The University of Queensland; Michelle Peterie, Research Fellow, The University of Queensland; Phillip Mendes, Associate Professor, Director Social Inclusion and Social Policy Research Unit, Monash University; Zoe Staines, Research fellow, The University of Queensland