UK bank commission head asks central bank to think again on capital

According to Reuters, the Bank of England is too optimistic about being able to close big banks smoothly if they run into trouble and lenders should hold far more capital to keep the financial system safe, the architect of a major banking reform said on Tuesday.

The Independent Commission on Banking (ICB) chaired by John Vickers recommended after the financial crisis that banks ring-fence capital equivalent to 3 percent of risk-weighted assets, while the Bank of England says the level should be 1.3 percent.

In response to previous criticisms from Vickers, BoE Governor Mark Carney published a 13-page letter to parliament on Friday, setting out how why banks in Britain generally hold enough capital to act as a buffer against systemic risk.

But Vickers told an audience including former regulators, central bank officials and Clara Furse from the BoE’s Financial Policy Committee that the assumptions underpinning the bank’s arguments were not realistic.

“The BoE should think again,” Vickers said in his speech at the London School of Economics on Tuesday.

“The Financial Policy Committee should use to the full the opportunity it now has to make UK retail banking safer, and introduce a 3 percent systemic risk buffer for all major ring-fenced banks,” Vickers, a former BoE chief economist, said.

“With more prudent and realistic assumptions, the BoE’s own analysis indicates the need for that. The BoE’s current proposal falls short,” he said.

The spat between Vickers and the BoE over capital levels has irked the central bank and prompted parliament’s Treasury Select Committee to review bank capital requirements.

Carney has said no significant extra capital was needed because banks face other requirements, such as a counter-cyclical capital buffer, and changes that make them easier to close down – two reforms which Vickers said were no foolproof substitute for higher capital.

Under current plans, the deposit-taking divisions of banks must have the extra ring-fenced capital in place from 2019.

The reform is considered among the toughest of its kind in the world and has forced HSBC, Barclays, Lloyds and RBS to make internal changes.

Vickers’ comments also come at a time when the finance ministry wants a “new settlement” with banks, which has raised concerns among some lawmakers that banking rules are being watered down.

UK Regulator Looks At Reverse Mortgages

The UK Prudential Regulation Authority (PRA) has released a discussion paper (DP) on equity release mortgage (ERM), or reverse mortgages. Given the complex nature of these products, their valuation, risk assessment and capital treatment are under review, and the regulator is seeking industry input. They are especially focussing on what “fair value” for these mortgages might be.

The PRA has observed that firms writing ERMs typically restrict the initial valuation to the amount lent (which is a transaction price observed in a market), for example by including a spread of appropriate size when discounting ERM cashflows, and updating the valuation (including the spread, where appropriate) to allow for new information affecting the valuation as it emerges.

In Australia, reverse mortgages have not really taken flight, with the latest APRA data showing about $2.7 bn of reverse mortgages outstanding (compared with $1.35 trillion all home loans), comprising around 29,000 loans outstanding, and an average balance of just $96,000.  There has been little growth in recent years.

That said, the recent run up in house prices here, and the aging population may suggest a growing demand. Therefore it is worth looking at the issues the UK regulators are wrestling with. This is a complex product area requiring careful regulation.

ERMs are a type of lifetime mortgage. This DP is directly relevant to lifetime mortgage products with the following features: they are restricted to older customers, they do not have a fixed term, they generally have a no negative equity guarantee, and there is no obligation to make regular interest payments on the capital. For simplicity, this sub-set of equity release products is referred to as ‘ERMs’ for the purpose of this paper, but the PRA is aware that other definitions of ERMs are used in the industry.

ERMs allow capital to be released from residential properties without requiring the property to be sold. ERMs are loans secured by way of a mortgage on a residential property, repayable on ‘exit’ (death; or move to a care home; or voluntary repayment, either for an individual borrower or a couple) rather than at a fixed maturity date. In the United Kingdom (UK), loans are advanced as a lump sum, or through flexible drawdown facilities. In general it is possible to ‘port’ ERMs from one property to another if the borrowers wish to move house, subject to certain restrictions, which may include a requirement to make a partial repayment of the outstanding loan.

Loan interest is generally at a fixed rate, but can be variable or vary subject to a cap. In general, interest accrues to the loan balance without regular payments being made, so that the final repayment is larger than the amount lent, often significantly so. Sometimes interest payments can be made and these may be lower than the interest that would otherwise accrue. Such interest payments can be terminated by the borrower, in which case interest starts to accrue again. The accruing nature of the interest leads to the name ‘reverse mortgage’ being used in some territories.

In the UK, there is often a guarantee that on certain forms of repayment any excess of the accrued loan amount above the (sale) value of the property will be written off or waived by the lender, subject to certain conditions. This is known as a ‘no negative equity guarantee’ (NNEG). For an ERM product to meet the Product Standards within the Statement of Principles of the Equity Release Council, it must incorporate a NNEG. This means the NNEG has become a standard feature of the UK ERM market.

ERMs receivables are held – either directly or indirectly – by a range of different financial institutions, including life insurers, banks, building societies and other lenders. ERMs require long-term funding that is sufficiently flexible to adapt to the timing and amount of repayments, both of which may vary from expectations. In particular, annuity writers have liabilities with long-term and relatively predictable cashflows. So (taking into account their other capital and liquidity resources) some of these firms consider that cashflows from a suitable portfolio of ERMs offer a sufficiently good match for some of their annuity liabilities and provide a good risk/return trade-off, given the long duration and reasonably predictable cashflows of a sufficiently large portfolio of ERMs.

In the UK, ERMs are not actively traded in a secondary market, although the PRA is aware of some bilateral transactions between firms. Some ERM holdings have been externally securitised in the past, but the PRA is not aware of widespread use of securitisation as a means of funding ERMs in the UK.

It is common for lenders to require properties to be insured and maintained as part of the loan terms and conditions. There is a risk that maintenance may reduce over time as borrowers become older and potentially cash-poor, and the financial interest of the borrowers in the property reduces. This ‘dilapidation risk’ may lead to the performance (as an asset) of residential properties connected with an ERM being inferior to the performance of similar properties that do not have such a connection. Conversely, if the loan advanced is used to improve the property, then performance may be superior to similar but unimproved properties.

The responsibility for the sale of the property upon exit may, in some circumstances, rest with the lender who, for risk management purposes, may be willing to reduce the sale price in order to reflect a ‘quick sale discount’ on a vacant property, subject to obtaining the best price for the owner within reasonable timescales. If so, this will further increase the value of the NNEG. There may be a relationship between the desirability of offering a quick sale discount and market-wide movements in house prices.

Part of the loan interest rate can be considered as a charge for the cost of the NNEG. Higher interest rates lead to higher NNEG costs, other things being equal, and so (depending on how the ERM is priced) there is potentially a limit to how much the cost of the NNEG can be recouped through an increase in interest rates. Lenders therefore control their overall exposure to NNEGs primarily by restricting loan-to-value (LTV) ratios. LTVs are typically age-dependent, with LTVs lower at younger ages and increasing with age, reflecting changes in expected exit rates. Some lenders offer to advance larger amounts to borrowers in poor health, based on medical underwriting.

From the provider’s point of view, the future value of the ERM at any given exit date depends on whether or not the NNEG bites. If the NNEG does not bite, the loan plus accrued interest is repaid to the provider in full; if it does bite, the repayment is restricted to the value of the property. Thus the present value of the ERM is equal to the sum of: (i) the present value of the loan plus accrued interest at exit date, if and only if the NNEG does not bite; and (ii) the present value of receiving the property, if and only if the NNEG does bite. The computation of this involves, amongst other things, estimating the present value of receiving the property at exit, and – in order to estimate the probability of the NNEG biting – the volatility of the underlying property price.

Thus when the probability of the NNEG biting is low (typically at shorter durations) the value of the ERM approximates to the present value of receiving the loan plus accrued interest at exit. When it is high (typically at longer durations), the value of the ERM approximates to the present value of receiving the property at exit. Note that the present value of the ERM can never exceed the present value of receiving the property at exit, where a NNEG is in place.

The proportion of loans assumed to exit at any given date depends on the probabilities of death, entry into long-term care and early repayment. The mortality experience of the remaining borrowers can be expected to change as borrowers go into long-term care.

The challenges of valuing ERMs include estimating exit probabilities, estimating drawdown rates (for products permitting future drawdowns) and setting property-related assumptions. In addition, appropriate discount rates need to be set for the cashflows being valued. Some of these challenges are explored in the chapters that follow.

The former Individual Capital Adequacy Standards (ICAS) regime permitted insurers to derive a liquidity premium directly from ERMs. Where appropriate, this led to a reduction in the value of liabilities backed by ERMs. The current Solvency II regime has a similar concept in the form of the matching adjustment, but with more prescriptive rules than ICAS. In particular, ERMs do not have fixed cashflows and so do not meet the Solvency II eligibility criteria for inclusion in an MA portfolio. This has led some firms to restructure their ERM portfolios to meet these eligibility criteria

On 6 November 2015 the PRA published a Solvency II Directors’ update1 stating that during 2016 it would undertake an industry-wide review of ERM valuations and capital treatment. The Directors’ update referred to mark-to-model assets more generally but specifically mentioned ERMs, where there are particular challenges and a range of perspectives on the degree of risk embedded in ERMs and how they should be valued. This DP is the first part of this review.

ERM industry stakeholders (including without limitation life insurers, banks, building societies, other lenders, trade bodies, brokers, credit rating agencies, consultants, actuaries and auditors) are invited to participate in the DP by providing answers to the questions. The PRA also invites responses from academics, particularly those with experience of property valuation and the valuation of contingent claims in incomplete markets.

 

Bank of England Consults On Tighter Lending Standards For Buy-To-Let

The Bank of England has released a consultation paper which seeks views on a supervisory statement which sets out the Prudential Regulation Authority’s (PRA’s) proposals regarding its expectations of minimum standards that firms should meet when underwriting buy-to-let mortgage contracts. The proposals also include clarification regarding application of the small and medium enterprises (SME) supporting factor on buy-to-let mortgages. Of note is a minimum interest rate floor of 5.5% to be used for testing repayment capacity, and tighter rules on affordability testing.

Firms should assess all buy-to-let mortgage contracts from the perspective of whether the borrower will be able to pay the sums due. The underwriting standards set out in this supervisory statement should form minimum standards, regardless of whether the borrower is an individual or a company.

To avoid existing borrowers being adversely affected when re-mortgaging, the expectations do not apply to buy-to-let remortgages where there is no additional borrowing beyond the amount currently outstanding under the existing buy-to-let contract to the firm or to a different firm. In determining the amount currently outstanding, new arrangement fees, professional fees and administration costs should be excluded.

Any reduction in buy-to-let activity and lower buy-to-let mortgage stock will lead to a reduction in short-term revenues for lenders and mortgage brokers. While affected firms may be able to recover some of the reduction in revenues by lending to owner-occupiers or other business activities in the economy, we think some more affected firms may find it difficult to recover lost revenues. Some buy-to-let investors could see an impact on their ability to obtain a buy-to-let mortgage and/or the profitability of their lending activities due to higher deposit requirements. However, affected investors may be able to find returns in other investment opportunities.

Affordability testing

Affordability tools constrain the value of the loan that a firm can extend for a given income and can reduce the probability of default on the loan particularly in an environment of rising interest rates. At higher levels of indebtedness, borrowers are more likely to encounter payment difficulties in the face of shocks to income and interest rates.

Rental income is an important factor when determining the ability of buy-to-let landlords to service their debt. Accordingly, a widespread market practice in the buy-to-let lending market is to use the mortgage’s interest coverage ratio (ICR) in assessing affordability. In addition to rental income, some borrowers use personal income to support their ability to service their debt.

The PRA is therefore proposing that all firms use an affordability test when assessing a buy-to-let mortgage contract in the form of either an ICR test; and/or an income affordability test, where firms take account of the borrower’s personal income to support the mortgage payment.

The PRA is seeking to establish a standard set of variables that should be reflected within the ICR test and the income affordability test. To ensure that firms are being prudent in their affordability assessment, the PRA is proposing that firms, among other things, give consideration to: all costs associated with renting out the property where the landlord is responsible for payment; any tax liability associated with the property; and where personal income is being used to support the rent, the borrower’s income tax, national insurance payments, credit commitments, committed expenditure, essential expenditure and living costs.

As affordability constrains the value of the loan a firm can extend, the PRA is not at this time proposing supervisory guidance with respect to specific loan-to-value (LTV) standards. However, the PRA does expect firms to have appropriate controls in place to monitor, manage and mitigate the risks of higher LTV lending.

Interest rate affordability stress test

The buy-to-let market is characterised by floating, or relatively short-term fixed mortgage rates typically on an interest-only basis. These attributes heighten the sensitivity of buy-to-let lending to changes in interest rates, which increase debt service costs.

Consequently, the PRA proposes that, when assessing affordability in respect of a potential buy-to-let borrower, firms should take account of likely future interest rate increases. In particular, the PRA proposes that the firm should consider the likely future interest rates over a minimum period of five years from the expected start of the term of the buy-to-let mortgage contract, unless the interest rate is fixed for a period of five years or more from that time, or for the duration of the buy-to-let mortgage contract if less than five years. In coming to a view of likely future interest rates, the PRA would expect firms to have regard to: market expectations; a minimum increase of 2 percentage points in buy-to-let mortgage interest rates; and any prevailing Financial Policy Committee (FPC) recommendation and/or direction on the appropriate interest rate stress tests for buy-to-let lending.

Even if the interest rate determined above indicates that the borrower’s interest rate will be less than 5.5% during the first 5 years of the buy-to-let mortgage contract, the firm should assume a minimum borrower interest rate of 5.5%.

Portfolio landlords

The PRA is seeking to establish a standard definition of what constitutes a ‘Portfolio landlord’. Under this proposal, a landlord would be considered to be a Portfolio landlord where they have four or more mortgaged buy-to-let properties across all lenders in aggregate. Data gathered by the PRA shows that there is an increase in observed arrears rates of landlords with buy-to-let portfolios of four or more mortgaged properties.

The PRA is expecting that firms conducting lending to Portfolio landlords do so according to a specialist underwriting process that accounts for the complex nature of the borrower and their portfolio of properties.

Risk management

The PRA is proposing that firms have robust risk management, systems and controls in place specifically tailored to their buy-to-let portfolios. These should include risk appetite statements governing how core risks will be identified, mitigated and managed and monitoring of portfolio concentrations and high risk segments.

The buy-to-let market is dominated by lending originated through intermediaries. There is some concern that firms with weaker underwriting standards may be adversely selected which could result in a concentration of a particular risk on individual firms’ balance sheets. Consequently, the PRA expects firms to have appropriate oversight and monitoring capabilities with respect to their intermediary business.

The SME supporting factor in relation to buy-to-let mortgages

The PRA proposes to enhance the transparency and consistency of the PRA’s regulatory approach by clarifying the PRA’s expectations in relation to application of the SME supporting factor on buy-to-let mortgages.

Under Article 501 of the CRR the SME supporting factor is used to reduce by approximately 24% the capital requirements on loans to SMEs on qualifying retail, corporate and real estate exposures. The PRA does not consider that buy-to-let borrowing falls within the objective of the SME supporting factor described in Article 501 CRR. The PRA proposes to clarify in the supervisory statement that it expects firms to consider the intended purpose of a loan before applying the SME supporting factor. The SME supporting factor should not be applied where the purpose of the borrowing is to support buy-to-let business. The PRA would expect firms to comply with the spirit and intent of this statement.

UK Outlook for Financial Stability has Deteriorated – Bank of England

The Bank of England’s Financial Policy Committee (FPC) assesses the outlook for financial stability by identifying the risks faced by the financial system and weighing them against the resilience of the system.  In doing so, its aim is to ensure the financial system can continue to provide essential services to the real economy, even in adverse circumstances. In today’s release, they highlight financial stability risks, raise the counter-cyclical capital buffer in 2017 and underscore potential threats to financial stability from rapid growth in buy-to-let mortgage lending.

The FPC judges that the outlook for financial stability in the United Kingdom has deteriorated since it last met in November 2015.  Some pre-existing risks have crystallised, drawing on the resilience of the system.  Other risks stemming from the global environment have increased.  Domestic risks have been supplemented by risks around the EU referendum.  Weighed against these developments, the resilience of the core banking system has improved further since November 2015, though investor expectations of future profitability have weakened, with possible implications for banks’ ability to build resilience in the future.  In some financial markets, underlying liquidity conditions have continued to deteriorate.

In December, the Committee signalled its intention to set the UK countercyclical capital buffer rate in the region of 1% in a standard risk environment.   Consistent with the Committee’s assessment of the current risk environment, and its intention to move gradually, the Committee has decided to increase the UK countercyclical capital buffer rate from 0% to 0.5% of risk-weighted assets.  This new setting will become binding with effect from 29 March 2017, at which time the overlapping aspects of Pillar 2 supervisory capital buffers will be lifted.  This will increase transparency and sharpen the incentives of the buffer system.

The FPC also took account of the review by the PRA Board of the overlap between the risks captured by current supervisory capital buffers and a positive UK countercyclical capital buffer. Following its review, the PRA Board has concluded that existing Pillar 2 supervisory capital buffers should be reduced, where possible, by the full 0.5% UK countercyclical capital buffer. This is a one-off adjustment reflecting the transition to the new capital framework and will take place when the new setting of the UK countercyclical capital buffer rate comes into force in March 2017.

The removal of any overlap means that banks accounting for around three quarters of the outstanding stock of UK lending will not see their overall regulatory capital buffers increase as a result of the UK countercyclical capital buffer rate being increased to 0.5%. Other banks will effectively have the period over which they must meet new requirements extended. This will be documented in a forthcoming statement by the PRA Board. The FPC’s action will raise the future regulatory capital buffer of some banks, including many smaller banks that have contributed around half of the increase in net lending to the real economy over the past year. Almost all of these banks currently carry capital in excess of the 2019 Basel III requirements and the 0.5% UK countercyclical capital buffer. The FPC recognises that these banks may wish to build capital over time in order to retain some excess over regulatory capital buffers, but their current position means that any such action will be able to take place gradually.

The UK countercyclical capital buffer rate will apply to all UK banks and building societies and to investment firms that have not been exempted by the Financial Conduct Authority. Under European Systemic Risk Board rules, it will apply to branches of EU banks lending into the United Kingdom. The FPC will work with other authorities to achieve reciprocity, consistent with its own policy on reciprocity.

The Committee assesses the risks around the referendum to be the most significant near-term domestic risks to financial stability. It will continue to monitor the channels of risk closely and support mitigating actions where possible. In that regard, the FPC has considered the results of the 2014 stress test of major UK banks, which incorporated an abrupt change in capital flows, a sharp depreciation of sterling, a marked increase in unemployment and a prolonged recession. The results of that test, when combined with revised bank capital plans, suggested that the banking system was strong enough to continue to serve households and businesses during the severe shock1. Since then, UK banks’ resilience has increased further.

The FPC remains alert to potential threats to financial stability from rapid growth in buy-to-let mortgage lending. The outstanding stock of buy-to-let mortgages has risen by 11.5% in the year to 2015 Q4. The macroprudential risks centre on the possibility that buy-to-let investors could behave pro-cyclically, amplifying cycles in the housing market, as well as affecting the resilience of the banking system and its capacity to sustain lending to the wider real economy in a stress.

Overall, the Committee judges that, although measures of bank resilience have improved since November 2015, investors expect weaker future profitability.

Measures of bank resilience have continued to strengthen. Major UK banks’ aggregate common equity Tier 1 (CET1) ratio has increased further, to 12.6% at end-2015. The aggregate Tier 1 capital ratio of major UK banks reached 13.8% and the Tier 1 leverage ratio reached 4.8% – both a little higher than the FPC’s view of the steady state capital requirements for the major UK banks as currently measured3.

At the same time, investors expect future bank profitability to be weaker. UK bank share prices have fallen by around 15% since November 2015, though there are significant differences in expectations of performance across bank business models. If expectations of weaker earnings were to materialise, the future capacity of the system to withstand shocks through internal capital generation would be reduced.

Unconventional Monetary Policy

In a speech delivered at Nottingham University, Martin Weale discussed a range of unconventional policy options available to central banks. He underlined that he not believe the UK’s Monetary Policy Committee (MPC) will need to expand its use of unconventional policy any time soon, but it was important to assess these options as “the Committee does not want to be a monetary equivalent of King Æthelred the Unready”.

Martin analysed the historical experience of the four main unconventional strategies that had been deployed by central banks: quantitative easing; forward guidance; monetary finance; and negative interest rates.

On quantitative easing, Martin outlined his own analysis of its impact in the UK and US. While noting arguments that QE would be less effective now than it had been in the past, Martin said his own analysis contradicted that suggestion – a finding which was part of the reason why he had been more inclined to vote for interest rate rises than his colleagues in recent years: “There is less reason to delay policy tightening if you are confident that you have a means of providing material further support should it be needed”.

In addition, Martin pointed out that the MPC could, in future, expand the range of assets it purchases under QE, noting that in the early 1980s it held substantial amounts of non-government securities. He said: “While there were, at that time, very good reasons why the Bank of England did not want to make substantial purchases of private-sector assets, it is not clear to me how far those are necessarily an insuperable obstacle.”

Turning to forward guidance, Martin found that state-contingent forward guidance tended to have a “relatively modest effect on output and inflation.” Martin noted that this finding depends on where the relevant threshold was set and, in any case, the MPC has only considered such thresholds as reference points rather than rules. Without a rule-based system, he argued, it is hard to be clear about the circumstances in which this sort of state-based guidance will be used, and thus its impact cannot be easily evaluated. He said: “The Monetary Policy Committee does not follow a rule for interest rates and it therefore cannot amend such a rule. It can, of course, do what it did in August 2013, but it is not clear how such a policy can be transformed into a general part of the policy armoury in a way which makes it possible to assess its effects”.

Moving beyond policies the Bank of England has pursued in recent years, Martin stated that – assuming that central bank reserves would continue to be remunerated – he struggled to see a clear difference between some versions of monetary finance and QE. The difference between the two, conceptually, has generally been that the former is seen as permanent and the latter as temporary. However, Martin noted it is not possible for a government to force its successors to maintain a ‘helicopter drop’ as a permanent feature of the landscape. He said: “That is not to say that asset purchases are monetary financing…but rather that an attempt at monetary financing may blur into something not very different from asset purchases, in that both shorten the maturity of public sector debt.” He observed that if some form of reserve requirement were imposed, with reserves unremunerated, the effect was not very different from a tax on banks which would eventually lead to lower spending.

Addressing recent global discussions about negative interest rates, Martin believes they “probably do provide some support, but the extent of this depends on how banks behave, and whether they are able to pass on the full amount of the rate reduction to borrowers”. However, while some challenges – such as banks moving reserves from central banks into cash – could potentially be overcome, Martin underlined that “there is a risk of adverse side-effect and it would be wrong to introduce negative interest rates without being confident that these side-effects were going to be small.” He added: “Equally, measures designed to protect the domestic economy from the effects of negative interest rates mean that the policy becomes close to one of beggar-my-neighbour exchange rate management”.

Martin concluded by arguing that “it is appreciably more likely that monetary tightening rather than monetary easing will be needed in the United Kingdom over the next two years”, noting that financial markets and commodity prices have recovered over the last month, while disappointing recent productivity indicated that unit labour wage costs were stronger than is apparent in headline wage figures. “Nevertheless”, he concluded, “should the need for further easing arise because of a sharp weakening in the outlook for inflation, the scope for further asset purchases is substantial, while the obstacles we saw to reducing Bank Rate below 1/2 per cent are no longer material. These observations should allay concerns that it will be difficult to bring inflation back to target”.

A Macroprudential Approach to Bank Capital

In a speech to the Institute of International Bankers Annual Washington Conference, Alex Brazier, Executive Director for Financial Stability Strategy and Risk, explores the framework of capital requirements for UK banks which was finalised by the Financial Policy Committee in December 2015.

Alex begins by observing that investors’ questions about returns have not translated, as they have done before, into questions about resilience. When UK bank price-to-book ratios were this low in 2009, senior unsecured debt spreads were over 350bps – compared to 73bps today. Underlying that is the transformation of bank capital. In the 2015 stress test, banks absorbed losses of £37bn – over twice the losses of the system in the crisis – even while continuing to grow credit to the real economy.

In December, the Bank of England gave a clear statement about the appropriate baseline level of capital for the systemic part of the UK banking system. Across major UK banks, no less than 3.75% of total assets should be funded with tier 1 capital. On current measures of risk, we expect these banks to fund no less than 13½% of risk weighted assets with tier 1 capital.

Alex says that “after a long march to build capital strength, UK banks are within a hair’s breadth of that [expectation] today. And the rewards of greater resilience are being reaped”.

It was obvious in the aftermath of the crisis where bank capital needed to go. Up. A lot. And with market confidence so low at the time, more capital not only boosted resilience, it also was needed for lending to resume. Alex emphasises that “capital was good for resilience and good for growth”.

However, after a point, another unit of capital buys a much smaller fall in the probability of bank failure. And the evidence that higher capital requirements can push up bank funding costs – costs which will be borne by real borrowers and real savers – cannot be ignored.

How to best protect the real economy without holding it back? The UK answer has three parts.

First, to protect the economy from the consequences of bank failure. And to do so at minimal economic cost. Effective bank resolution unlocks this, opening the door to preserving the functions of failed banks without recourse to the taxpayer. The G20 agreement on Total Loss Absorbing Capacity (TLAC) standards is “a game changer because it hardwires the recapitalisation of failing banks”. Rapid recapitalisation of failed banks speeds economic recovery. International estimates suggest that the removal of the ‘too big to fail’ subsidy cuts the risk of failure by a third. Alex says that “it is essential that efforts to ensure even the largest banks can be resolved remain on track”.
But even with an effective resolution backstop in place, the costs of systemic bank failure are far from insignificant.

So the second part is a baseline capital standard that makes the economic disruption caused by a weak banking system extremely rare. But not more so. In the UK, even the two biggest failures of the crisis suffered losses comfortably within the baseline described above. Going further could have a sharply diminishing further effect on the probability of banking failure and could run the risk of economic cost. The biggest banks will be subject to a baseline capital buffer of nearly 5% of risk weighted assets, sitting on top of an 8.5% hard floor for tier 1 capital. This “gives room for systemic banks to absorb losses without being forced to close their doors and cease their service to the economy. It achieves not just greater bank resilience, but greater resilience of service to the macro economy”.
But it would be a mistake to think that a 5% capital buffer is always and everywhere the right one.

So the third part is flexibility. Flexibility to raise capital buffers if the threat of future losses grows, and cut them again if those threats materialise of recede. This avoids what might otherwise be a need to capitalise the system for the very riskiest times, all the time. Alex explains that the Bank is “seeking to match the size of those [capital] buffers – the strength of defence – to the threat of future losses as they change over time”. With the stress scenario varying systematically with our assessment of the risks, the stress test will guide as to how – given banks’ exposures – the Bank’s judgement about the risks should be reflected in capital buffers. The Bank will have a bias to acting early and gradually. It expects to be adding around 1% to the countercyclical capital buffer on UK exposures of all banks, even before the overall threat of future losses looks high. These capital buffers will go as far as needed to ensure banks’ defences keep up with threats if they grow. And if threats materialise, or shrink, the Bank will reduce its expectation for capital buffers back towards the baseline level.

Flexibility extends beyond moving capital buffers up and down. We are learning about the effects of higher capital and leverage requirements. Developments such as the signs of reduced liquidity in sovereign repo markets are prompting us to assess whether targeted amendments to the design of regulations could benefit the real economy, without exposing it to more risk. Alex says that “the design of new requirements was macroprudential. So must be their implementation”.

Alex concludes that “with resolution regimes well advanced and game-changing bail-in principles established, the upward march to higher capital levels can soon reach the new baseline. A baseline that, on what we know today, protects the real economy without unnecessary risk of holding it back. And with the flexibility to adapt and continually align resilience with threats, we have a compelling answer to the question of how to marry prudence with macroeconomic sense. So that you can protect and serve the real economy in good times and bad”.

Central banks and digital currencies

In a speech delivered at the London School of Economics, Ben Broadbent outlines the importance of innovations in digital currencies – and what the economic implications of central banks introducing their own might be.

Ben explains that digital currencies like Bitcoin are, in themselves, extremely unlikely to become widely used alternative units of account, displacing the dollar or pound. Rather, the interesting aspect of these digital currencies is the settlement technology that underpins them, the so-called “distributed ledger”. This system allows transfers to be verified and recorded without the need for a trusted third party: the role that central banks currently perform for commercial banks.

Ben argues that, while clearing payments through a distributed ledger rather than a central bank may not have any significant macroeconomic effects in and of itself, what would prove significant is how the technology could be used to widen access to the central bank’s balance sheet beyond the commercial banks it currently serves.

Ben states: “That might mean adding only a narrow set of counterparties – non-bank financial companies, say. It might mean something more dramatic: in the limiting case, everyone – including individuals – would be able to hold such balances.”
The potential that distributed ledgers offer to expand access to central bank balance sheets encapsulate the distinction between ‘private’ digital currencies – which essentially seek to substitute central banks as settlement agents – and ‘central bank digital currencies’, which could result in central banks expanding their role as trusted third parties.

The macroeconomic impact of central bank digital currencies would depend on their precise design and the degree to which they competed with the main form of money in the economy currently: commercial bank deposits. As Ben notes, the public is already able to hold claims on the central bank through cash – and if all a central bank digital currency did was to offer a substitute for paper currency, it’s not clear the macroeconomic effects would be that substantial.

Even then, however, Ben argues you would expect to see some drain from commercial banks. This drain would be greater the more closely a central bank digital currency resembled a genuine bank account. Notably, flows into central bank digital currencies, and out of commercial banks, would pick up at times whenever people were concerned about the strength of the financial system.

Any such shift towards a relatively widely accessible central bank digital currency would therefore have two important implications: “On the one hand, it would probably make [commercial banks] safer. Currently, deposits are backed mainly by illiquid loans, assets that can’t be sold on open markets; if we all tried simultaneously to close our accounts, banks wouldn’t have the liquid resources to meet the demand. The central bank, by contrast, holds only liquid assets on its balance sheet. The central bank can’t run out of cash and therefore can’t suffer a “run”.

Ben adds: “On the other hand, taking deposits away from banks could impair their ability to make the loans in the first place. Banks would be more reliant on wholesale markets, a source of funding that didn’t prove particularly stable during the crisis, and could reduce their lending to the real economy as a result.”

Ben reflects that, in many ways, this debate on the future of digital currencies is resurrecting some of the older arguments in economics. Some admirers of private digital currencies like Bitcoin see them as a means of bypassing central banks altogether – a campaign recognisable to advocates of “free banking” in the 19th century. If it were a close substitute for bank deposits, on the other hand, a central bank digital currency would mean a more prominent role for the central bank; it would also represent a shift towards a “narrower” banking system, another argument with a long history.

Ben notes that while some have suggested that central banks will have to issue digital currencies to meet the “competitive threat” posed by private sector rivals. However, for Ben, “the more important issue for central banks considering such a move will be what it might mean for the funding of banks and the supply of credit”.

Global Financial Links, Risks and Safety

The Bank of England just published Financial Stability Paper No. 36 – February 2016 “Stitching together the global financial safety net”. The paper illustrates the highly connected state of banks, central banks and other entities, and discussed some of the consequences of such linkages, and the safety nets which exist to protect these structures. The paper highlights risks from vulnerabilities in external balance sheets which leave countries exposed to volatility in cross-border capital flows and increase potential demands on the safety net. A timely discussion, in the light of current market volatility.

Financial globalisation and the expansion in global capital flows bring a number of benefits — more efficient allocation of resources, improved risk sharing and more rapid technology transfer. But they can also increase the risk of financial crisis. Indeed, the current market volatility is partly a reaction to the global risks.

On a net basis, more gross capital inflows than outflows have allowed many countries to run current account deficits. Global current account imbalances (measured as the sum of the absolute values of all current account surpluses and deficits) tripled from around 2.3% of global GDP between 1980 and 1997 to 5.5% of global GDP in 2006–08 and were 3.5% in 2014. But net flows concealed even larger increases in gross flows.

On a gross basis, the boom in global capital flows has provided additional sources of finance for governments, banks, corporates and households. This may have increased the efficiency of capital allocation, with capital increasingly able to flow to where it is most productive. Gross capital flows increased to over 20% of global GDP in 2007 up from around 3% in 1980. Cross-border banking was one of the main drivers of this increase in cross-border flows.

Borrowing in foreign currency often complicates adjustment. International banks’ borrowing in foreign currency (both domestically and cross-border) has doubled since 2002, despite a 20% reduction since the peak in 2008. There are now over US$20 trillion foreign currency denominated bank liabilities (Chart 3). And since 2008, outstanding US dollar denominated credit to non-banks outside of the United States has almost doubled to US$9 trillion.

Foreign-LiabilitiesThere is a flip side to the rapid rise in cross-border capital flows and external assets and liabilities — countries are more exposed to the willingness of foreign investors to continue funding their financing needs. Cross-border capital flows can be fickle, with foreign investors withdrawing funding in the event of an economic or financial crisis. Concerns about an increase in foreign currency borrowing in emerging markets through international bond markets — mainly by the corporate sector — have recently been centre stage in debates about global financial stability.

In recent years, to reduce these risks to stability, countries have reformed financial regulation, enhanced frameworks for central bank liquidity provision and developed new elements, and increased the resources, of the global financial safety net (GFSN).

A comprehensive and effective GFSN can help prevent liquidity crises from escalating into solvency crises and local balance of payments crises from turning into systemic sudden stop crises. The traditional GFSN consisted of countries’ own foreign exchange reserves with the IMF acting as a backstop. But since the global financial crisis there have been a number of new arrangements added to the GFSN, in particular the expansion of swap lines between central banks and regional financing arrangements.

Swap lines are contingent arrangements between central banks to enter into foreign exchange transactions. The liquidity-providing central bank provides its domestic currency for a fixed term at the market exchange rate, in exchange for the currency of the recipient central bank. On maturity, the transaction is unwound at the same exchange rate so, provided each party repays, neither party has direct exposure to exchange rate risk. The liquidity-providing central bank bears the credit risk of the borrowing central bank. In the event that the borrower is unable to repay, the lender is exposed to the exchange-rate risk on the currency taken. Swap lines can also involve the liquidity provider lending to the borrowing central bank in a foreign currency. In this case, the liquidity providing central bank lends its FX reserves in return for the borrower’s domestic currency, providing wider access to hard currency FX reserves.

Since the global financial crisis there has been a proliferation of swap lines. By October 2008, in response to the seizing up of global financial markets, the Federal Reserve (Fed) had extended swap lines to fourteen countries. Many of these have subsequently expired and not been replaced. The peak aggregate usage across all borrowers was US$586 billion in December 2008. The Bank of England drew US$95 billion from the Fed, which was on-lent to UK resident financial institutions. Other notable facilities were euro-denominated swaps by Sweden and Denmark to Latvia in December 2008, which they extended while simultaneously having swap arrangements with the ECB. And a Swiss franc denominated swapline between the ECB and SNB which was introduced in October 2008. Since 2007 the number of non-Chiang Mai central bank swap arrangements has increased from 6 to 118 (Charts 10 and 11), and involve 42 central banks. Those with a formal limit total US$1.2 trillion.

Bilateral-SwapsThe new look GFSN is more fragmented than in the past, with multiple types of liquidity insurance and individual countries and regions having access to different size and types of financial safety nets. These new facilities provide many benefits, such as increasing the resources available to some countries and providing additional sources of economic surveillance. However, many facilities have yet to be drawn upon and variable coverage risks leaving some
countries with inadequate access.

This paper consider the features, costs and benefits of each of the components of the GFSN and whether the overall size and distribution across countries and regions is likely to be sufficient for a plausible set of shocks. We find that the components of the GFSN are not fully substitutable: different elements exhibit different levels of versatility, have been shown to be more or less effective depending upon the circumstances, have different cost profiles and have different implications for the functioning of the international monetary and financial system as a whole. We argue that while swap lines and RFAs can play an important role in the global financial safety net they are not a substitute for having a strong, well resourced, IMF at the centre of it.

By running a series of stress scenarios we find that for all but the most severe crisis scenarios, the current resources of the GFSN are likely to be sufficient. However, this finding relies upon the IMF’s overall level of resources (including both permanent and temporary) being maintained at their current level.

Our analysis also highlights that the aggregation of global resources can mask vulnerabilities at the country, and even regional, level. In other words, while the current safety net might be big enough in aggregate, there is a risk that, for large enough shocks, gaps in coverage could be revealed. Steps should be taken to ensure the different components of the safety net function effectively together to reduce the risk of gaps appearing.

Policymakers should consider measures which (i) reduce vulnerabilities in external balance sheets which leave countries exposed to volatility in cross-border capital flows and increase potential demands on the safety net; (ii) secure the  availability of appropriate GFSN resources, including the IMF’s resource base; and (iii) make more efficient use of the current GFSN resources by ensuring the elements of the GFSN more effectively complement
one another.

Debt, Demographics and the Distribution of Income

In a speech to the London School of Economics Dr Gertjan Vlieghe – an external member of the UK Monetary Policy Committee – examines the effects of debt, demographics and the distribution of income on growth and interest rates. In his first public speech since joining the MPC, Jan argues that these 3 Ds “are interacting powerfully to create an environment where a given level of growth might be consistent with substantially lower interest rates than in the past”. Jan explores these forces in turn and concludes by looking at the implications for UK policy. The 3 Ds in combination with the current outlook mean he continues to be “patient” about the need for a rate rise.

“Debt matters.” The crisis has shown that households with high debt levels reduce spending more sharply in response to a downturn than less leveraged households. This in turn makes recessions that follow a substantial build up in debt “more severe and longer-lasting”. Monetary policy is likely to have to respond to a significant debt overhang by cutting and maintaining low interest rates. This has been seen in the UK where, following almost 7 years of Bank Rate at 0.5%, private (non-financial) sector debt to GDP ratio has fallen from 190% in prior to the recession to 160% today. However, many other advanced economies have not reduced their debt burden and many emerging economies are still increasing their indebtedness. “This has the potential to create persistent spending disappointments, if monetary policy is unable to stimulate other spending sufficiently.”

Simultaneously we have seen two important demographic changes. We are living longer and having fewer children. The interaction between these two forces is complex and further research is required to understand the likely consequences. However, initial studies and the experience of Japan suggest that overall demographic shifts will lower the equilibrium rate of interest and “there is at least the possibility that the effect is quite large”. Moreover, “demographic effects are even more slow-moving than debt effects, so the impact on real interest rates might be even longer-lasting.”

The monetary policy implications of the third D, the distribution of income, are the least well understood but the work so far “suggests it matters greatly” for our understanding of the monetary transmission mechanism and that rises in inequality could “affect both total savings and reinforce the rise in debt and associated deleveraging effects”.

In sum, “it is not hard to imagine – though very hard to model – a story where all three Ds interact. A high debt economy faces headwinds and needs lower interest rates. A high debt economy with adverse demographic trends needs even lower interest rates. And a high debt economy with adverse demographic trends and higher inequality … well you get the picture.”

Current economic models do not reflect these changes, but policy makers must not assume “that the future will look like the past” and they must “be prepared for the possibility that real interest rates will remain well below their historical average for a very long time”.
Both these considerations make Jan “relatively more patient before raising rates” and in combination with the recent slowing in UK growth, continued weak inflation and an absence of upward wage pressure mean current conditions do not “warrant an increase in Bank Rate”. Jan adds that the need for patience is reinforced by the current asymmetry in monetary policy in that policy makers’ ability to stimulate spending is smaller than their ability to restrain it. This “potentially makes the effects of bad news more persistent even when monetary policy does all it can”.

Jan concludes: “In order to be confident enough of the medium-term inflation outlook to raise Bank Rate, I would like to see evidence that growth is not slowing further, and that a broad range of indicators related to inflation are generally on an upward trajectory from their current low levels.”

Bank of England proposes tougher rules on bonus buy-outs

More on banking culture. The Bank of England is proposing to strengthen the remuneration requirements on buy-outs of variable remuneration. These proposals represent an important addition to the current remuneration rules which seek to ensure greater alignment between risk and reward, discourage excessive risk-taking and short-termism and encourage more effective risk management.

The Bank of England has previously sought views on a number of options for addressing the issue of buy-outs, in which a firm compensates a new employee for any unpaid remuneration that is cancelled when they leave their previous firm. The proposed changes to the Remuneration Part of the PRA Rulebook will apply to all material risk takers (MRTs) at PRA-regulated banks, building societies and designated investment firms. However, in accordance with the PRA’s existing approach to proportionality, these rules would not need to be applied to firms which fall within level three of the proportionality framework.

The practice of buy-outs has the potential to undermine the effectiveness of the current remuneration rules. When a new employer buys-out an employee’s cancelled bonus, the individual becomes insulated against the possibility of their awards being subject to ex-post risk adjustments through the application of either malus (the withholding or reduction of unpaid awards) or clawback (the recouping of paid awards). Through the practice of buy-outs, individuals can therefore effectively evade accountability for their actions.

Today’s proposals intend to ensure the practice of buy-outs does not undermine the intention of the current rules on clawback and malus or allow employees to avoid the proper consequences of their actions.

The Bank of England proposes that buy-outs should be managed through the contract between the new employer and employee. The employment contract would allow for malus or clawback to be applied should the old employer determine that the employee was guilty of misconduct or risk management failings. The proposed rules would also allow new employers to apply for a waiver if they believe the determination was manifestly unfair or unreasonable.

Andrew Bailey, Deputy Governor for Prudential Regulation and CEO of the Prudential Regulation Authority said:

“Having the right incentives is a crucial part of an effective accountability regime. Remuneration policies which lead to risk-reward imbalances, short termism and excessive risk taking undermine confidence in the financial sector. Individuals should be held accountable for their actions and not be able to actively evade the consequences of their actions. Today’s proposals seek to ensure that individuals are not rewarded for bad practice or wrong-doing and should help to encourage a culture within firms where reward better reflects the risks being taken.”