Bank of Ireland has caved in to public pressure following a public outcry over its plans to heavily restrict cash transactions in its branches, via Irish Independent.
The bank came in for sustained criticism
after the Irish Independent revealed yesterday that it plans to restrict
over-the-counter cash withdrawals to a minimum of €700 and cash
lodgements to a minimum of €3,000 in an effort to push customers towards
using ATMs and self-service machines.
However, after criticism from Finance
Minister Michael Noonan, as well as groups representing consumers,
farmers, older people, rural dwellers and bank workers, the bank
conceded that what it called “vulnerable” customers could continue to
get cash and make withdrawals of smaller amounts of money at branch
counters.
The changes prompted fears of a renewed
bout of bank branch closures and staff lay-offs in the wake of the
bank’s move to severely restrict counter-based cash transactions.
Mr Noonan described the changes as
“surprising and unnecessary”, adding that he expects the bank to “fully
honour” its commitment to “vulnerable customers”.
Bank of Ireland said it would continue to
allow older customers and those unfamiliar with technology to make cash
transactions over the counter.
“Bank of Ireland would like to confirm
that vulnerable customers, together with those elderly customers who are
not comfortable using self-service channels or other technology
solutions, will be assisted by branch staff to use the available
in-branch services.”
However, other banks are now expected to
follow the lead of Bank of Ireland by moving to set strict limits on
over-the-counter cash handling.
It comes after around 200 bank branches
were closed, mainly in rural areas, during the financial collapse, with
at least 10,000 retail bank staff laid-off.
Banks including Bank of Scotland, Danske, ACC and Irish Nationwide have already closed, limiting banking options for customers.
Now there are concerns that the move by
Bank of Ireland to effectively become a cashless bank will prompt more
branch shut-downs and redundancies.
Deputy chairman of the Consumers
Association Michael Kilcoyne said other banks were set to mirror Bank of
Ireland and discourage customers from withdrawing and lodging cash over
the counter.
This would make branches in rural areas less viable, he warned.
“The implications of the Bank of Ireland
move are very severe. If it gets away with this it will get rid of more
staff and close branches.
“This will be a further blow for rural Ireland,” he said.
Mr Kilcoyne predicted that AIB, Ulster Bank and Permanent TSB would make similar moves to curtail cash handling.
And banking union IBOA said it is seeking a
meeting with Bank of Ireland boss Richie Boucher over concerns the
changes would mean more job losses.
The Irish Farmers’ Association said the
changes would cause great difficulty for some farmers who are not
familiar with the bank’s online system.
Age Action accused the bank of ignoring the needs of older people by setting high limits on over-the-counter transactions.
Governor Lowe spoke at the Australian Payments Network Summityesterday. He discussed the rise of electronic transactions, especially though the New Payments Platform, the high relative costs of international retail payments, and the need for, and potential of a Strong Digital Identity System. He also highlighted the decline in cash transactions which now accounts for just around a quarter of day-to-day payments.
A recurring theme across these summits has been the need to improve customer outcomes. I am very pleased to see that this focus has been continued at this year’s summit. The focus on customer outcomes aligns very closely with the focus of the Payments System Board. The Board wants to see a payments system that is innovative, dynamic, secure, competitive, and that serves the needs of all Australians.
Increasingly, this means that the payments system needs to support Australia’s digital economy.
With the digital economy being an important key to Australia’s future economic prosperity, we need
a payments system that is fit for purpose. We will only fully capitalise on the fantastic opportunities
out there if we have a payments system that works for the digital economy. The positive news is that we
have made some substantial progress in this direction over recent years and in some areas,
Australia’s payments system is world class. However, in the fast-moving world of payments, things
don’t stand still and there are some important areas we need to work on.
In my remarks today, I would like to do three things.
The first is to talk about some of the progress that has been made over recent years.
The second is to highlight a few areas where we would like to see more progress, particularly around
payments and the digital economy.
And third, I will highlight some of the questions we will explore in next year’s review of retail
payments regulation in Australia.
Progress Is Being Made
Over recent years there have been significant changes in the way that we make payments. We now have
greater choice than ever before and payments are faster and more flexible than they used to be.
The launch of the New Payments Platform – the NPP – in early 2018 has been an important
part of this journey. This new payments infrastructure allows consumers and businesses to make
real-time, 24/7 payments with richer data and simple addressing using
PayIDs.
After the NPP was launched, it got off to a slow start, but it is now hitting its stride. Monthly
transaction values and volumes have both tripled over the past year (Graph 1). In November, the
platform processed an average of 1.1 million payments each day, worth about $1.1 billion. The
rate of take-up of fast retail payments in Australia is a little quicker than that in most other
countries that have also introduced fast payments (Graph 2).
Graph 1
Graph 2
I expect that we will see a further pickup in usage once the CBA has delivered on core NPP
functionality for all its customers. The slow implementation has been disappointing and we expect the
required functionality to be available soon.
There are now 86 entities connected to the NPP, including 74 that are indirectly connected
via a direct NPP participant. There are at least six non-ADI fintechs that are using the NPP’s
capabilities to innovate and provide new services to customers. All up, approximately 66 million
Australian bank accounts are now able to make and receive NPP payments.
Use of the PayID service has also been growing, with around 3.8 million PayIDs having been
registered to date. If you have not already got a PayID, I encourage you to get one. I also encourage
you to ask for other people’s PayIDs when making payments, as an alternative to asking for their
BSB and account number. It is much easier and faster.
One specific example of where the NPP is bringing direct benefits to people is its use by the
Australian Government, supported by the banking arm of the RBA, to make emergency payments. During the
current bushfires, the government has been able to use the NPP to make immediate payments to people at a
time when they are most in need, whether that be on the weekend or after their bank has shut for the
night.
One other area of the payments system where we have seen significant change is the take-up of
‘tap-and-go’ payments. Around 80 per cent of point-of-sale transactions are now
‘tap-and-go’, which is a much higher share than in most other countries. This growth has
been made possible by the acquirers rolling out new technology in their terminals and by the willingness
of Australians to try something different. There has also been rapid take-up of mobile payments,
including through wearable devices.
Progress has also been made on improving the safety of electronic payments, particularly in relation to
fraud in card-not-present transactions. The rate of fraud is still too high, but it has come down
recently (Graph 3). I would like to acknowledge the work that AusPayNet has done here to develop a
new framework to tackle fraud. This framework strengthens the authentication requirements for certain
types of transactions, including through the use of multi-factor authentication.[1] This will
help reduce card-not-present fraud and support the continued growth in online commerce.
Graph 3
As our electronic payments system continues to improve, we are seeing a further shift away from cash
and cheques. The RBA recently undertook the latest wave of our three-yearly consumer payments survey. We
are still processing the results, but ahead of publishing them early next year, I thought I would show
you the latest estimate on the use of cash (Graph 4). As expected, there has been a further trend
decline in the use of cash, with cash now accounting for just around a quarter of day-to-day
transactions, and most of these are for small-value payments. Given the other innovations that I just
spoke about, I expect that this trend will continue.
Graph 4
Further Progress Needed
The progress across these various fronts means that there is a positive story to be told about
innovation in Australia’s payments system.
At the same time, though, there are still some significant gaps and areas in our payments system that
need addressing and where progress would support the digital economy in Australia. I would like to talk
about four of these.
NPP
The first of these is further industry work to realise the full potential of the NPP, including its
data-rich capabilities.
The NPP infrastructure can help make electronic invoicing commonplace and help invoices be paid on
time. It can also support significant improvement in business processes, as more data moves with the
payment. Real-time settlement and posting of funds also enables some types of delivery-versus-payment,
so that the seller can confirm receipt of funds and be confident in delivering goods or services to the
buyer.
The layered architecture of the system was designed to promote competition and innovation in the
development of new overlay services. Notwithstanding this, one of the consequences of the
slower-than-promised rollout of the NPP by some of the major banks is that there has been less effort
than expected on developing innovative functionality. Payment systems are networks, and participants
need to know that others will be ready to receive payments and use the network. Some banks have been
reluctant to commit time and funding to support the development of new functionality given that others
have been slow to roll out their ‘day 1’ functionality. The slow rollout has also reduced
the incentive for fintechs and others to develop new ideas. So we have not yet benefited from the full
network effects.
The Payments System Board considered this issue as part of its industry consultation on NPP access and
functionality, conducted with the ACCC earlier this year. As part of that review we recommended that
NPPA – the industry-owned company formed to establish and operate the NPP – publish a
roadmap and timeline for the additional functionality that it has agreed to develop. The inaugural
roadmap was published in October and NPPA also introduced a ‘mandatory compliance
framework’. Under this compliance framework, NPPA can designate core capabilities that NPP
participants must support within a specified period of time, with penalties for non-compliance. This is
a welcome development.
One important element of the roadmap is the development of a ‘mandated payments service’
to support recurring and ‘debit-like’ payments. This new service will allow
account-holders to establish and manage standing authorisations (or consents) for payments to be
initiated from their account by third parties. This will provide convenience, transparency and security
for recurring or subscription-type payments and a range of other payments.
Another element of the roadmap that has the potential to promote the digital economy is the development
of NPP message standards for payroll, tax, superannuation and e-invoicing payments. The standards will
define the specific data elements that must be included with these payment types, which will support
automation and straight-through processing. We would expect financial institutions to be competing with
each other to enable their customers to make and receive these data-rich payments.
Less positively, there is still uncertainty about the future of the two remaining services that were
expected to be part of the initial suite of Osko overlay services. These are the
‘request-to-pay’ and ‘payment with document’ services. We understand there
are still challenges in securing committed project funding and priority from NPP participants to move
ahead, even though BPAY has indicated it is ready to complete the rollout. The RBA strongly supports the
development of these additional NPP capabilities, which are likely to deliver significant value for
businesses and the broader community.
Digital identity
A second area where the Payments System Board would like to see further progress is the provision of
portable digital identity services that allow Australians to securely prove who they are in the digital
environment.
Today, our digital identity system is fragmented and siloed, which has resulted in a proliferation of
identity credentials and passwords. This gives rise to security vulnerabilities and creates significant
inconvenience and inefficiencies, which can undermine development of the digital economy. These generate
compliance risks and other costs for financial institutions, so it is strongly in their interests to
make progress here. It is fair to say that a number of other countries are well ahead of us in this
area.
The Australian Payments Council has recognised the importance of this issue and has developed the
‘TrustID’ framework. The Government’s Digital Transformation Agency has also been
working on a complementary framework (the Trusted Digital Identity Framework), which specifies how
digital identity services will be used to access online government services. The challenge now is to
build on these frameworks and develop a strong digital identity ecosystem in Australia with competing
but interoperable digital identity services.
The rollout of open banking and the consumer data right should bring additional competition among
financial services providers, and digital identity is likely to reduce the scope for identity fraud,
while providing convenient authentication, as part of an open banking regime.
A strong digital identity system would also open up new areas of digital commerce and help reduce
online payments fraud. It will also help build trust in a wide range of online interactions. Building
this trust is increasingly important as people spend more of their time and money online. So we would
like to see some concrete solutions developed and adopted here.
Cross-border retail payments
A third area where we would like to see more progress is on reducing the cost of cross-border
payments.
For many people, the costs here are still too high and the payments are still too hard to make. It is
important that we address this. It is an issue not just for Australians, but for our neighbours as well.
I recently chaired a meeting of the Governors from the South Pacific central banks, where I heard
first-hand about the problems caused by the high cost of cross-border payments.
Analysis by the World Bank indicates that the price of sending money from Australia has been
consistently higher than the average price across the G20 countries (Graph 5). And a recent
ACCC inquiry found that prices for cross-border retail payment services are opaque. Customers are not
always aware of how the ‘retail’ exchange rate they are being quoted compares with the
wholesale exchange rate they see on the news, or of the final amount that will be received in foreign
currency.[2] There are also sometimes add-on fees.[3]
Graph 5
As part of the RBA’s monitoring of the marketplace, our staff recently conducted a form of online
shadow shopping exercise, exploring the pricing of international money transfer services by both banks
and some of the new non-bank digital money transfer operators (MTOs).
This exercise showed that there is a very wide range of prices across providers and highlighted the
importance of shopping around.
The main results are summarised in this graph (Graph 6). In nearly every case, the major banks are
more expensive than the digital MTOs. For the major banks, the average mark-up over the wholesale
exchange rate is around 5½ per cent, versus about 1 per cent for the digital
MTOs.
Graph 6
The graph illustrates why the cost of cross-border payments is such an issue for the South Pacific
countries. These costs are noticeably higher than for payments to most other countries. This is a
particular problem as many people in the South Pacific rely on receiving remittances from family and
friends in Australia and New Zealand. In many cases, low-income people are paying very high fees and it
is important that we address this where we can. As is evident from the graph, most digital MTOs do not
service the smaller South Pacific economies, which limits customers’ choice of providers.
In part, the high costs – and slow speed – of international money transfers is the result
of inefficiencies in the traditional correspondent banking process. It is understandable why some large
tech firms operating across borders see an opportunity here. Where people are being served poorly by
existing arrangements, new solutions are likely to emerge with new technologies. This represents a
challenge to the traditional financial institutions to offer better service at a lower cost to their
customers, while still meeting their AML/CTF requirements.
Central banks have a role to play here too, and there is an increased focus globally on what we can do
to reduce the cost of cross-border payments. One example of this is the promotion of standardised and
richer payment messaging globally through the adoption of the ISO20022 standard. The RBA is also working
closely with the Reserve Bank of New Zealand, AUSTRAC and other South Pacific central banks to develop a
regional framework to address the Know-Your-Customer concerns that have limited competition and kept
prices high.
Operational resilience
A fourth area where we would like to see more progress is improving the operational resilience of the
electronic payments system.[4]
Disruptions to retail payments hurt both consumers and businesses. Given that many people now carry
little or no cash, the reliability of electronic payment services has become critical to the smooth
functioning of our economy.
We understand that, given the complexity of IT systems, some level of payments incidents and outages to
services is inevitable. But it is apparent from the data we have that the frequency and duration of
retail payments outages have risen sharply in recent years. In response, the RBA has begun working with
APRA and the industry to enhance the data on retail payment service outages and to introduce a suitable
disclosure framework for these data. These measures will provide greater transparency around the
reliability of services and allow institutions to better benchmark their operational performance.
The 2020 Review of Retail Payments Regulation
The third and final issue I would like to touch on is the Payments System Board’s review of retail
payments regulation next year.
The review is intended to be wide-ranging and to cover all aspects of the retail payments landscape,
not just the RBA’s existing cards regulation. As the first step in the process, we released an
Issues Paper a couple of weeks ago and have asked for submissions by 31 January.[5] There will
also be opportunities to meet with RBA staff conducting the review.
The review will cover a lot of ground, including hopefully some of the issues that I just mentioned.
There are, though, a few other questions I would like to highlight.
The first is what can be done to reduce further the cost of electronic payments?
Both the Productivity Commission and the Black Economy Taskforce have called for us to examine this
question. It is understandable why. As we move to a predominantly electronic world, the cost of
electronic payments becomes a bigger issue. The Payments System Board’s regulation of interchange
fees and the surcharging framework, as well as its efforts to promote competition and encourage
least-cost routing, have all helped lower payment costs.
At issue is how we make further progress: what combination of regulation and market forces will best
deliver this? Relevant questions here include: whether interchange fees should be lowered further; how
best to ensure that merchants can choose the payment rails that give them the best value for money; and
whether restrictions relating to no-surcharge rules should be applied to other arrangements, including
the buy-now-pay-later schemes.
A second issue is what is the future of the cheque system?
Cheque use in Australia has been in sharp decline for some time. Over the past year, the number of
cheques written has fallen by another 19 per cent and the value of cheques written has fallen
by more than 30 per cent, as the real estate industry has continued to shift to electronic
property settlements (Graph 7). At some point it will be appropriate to wind up the cheque system,
and that point is getting closer. Before this happens, though, it is important that alternative payment
methods are available for those who rely on cheques. Using the NPP infrastructure for new payment
solutions is likely to help here.
Graph 7
Third, is there a case for some rationalisation of Australia’s three domestically focused payment
schemes, namely BPAY, eftpos and NPPA? A number of industry participants have indicated to us that they
face significant and sometimes conflicting investment demands from the three different entities. This
raises the question of whether some consolidation or some form of coordination of investment priorities
might be in the public interest.
Fourth, and finally, what are the implications for the regulatory framework of technology changes, new
entrants and new business models?
The world of payments is moving quickly, with new technologies and new players offering solutions to
longstanding problems. At the same time, expectations regarding security, resilience, functionality and
privacy are continually rising. Meeting these expectations can be challenging, but doing so is critical
to building and maintaining the trust that lies at the heart of effective payment systems. The entry of
non-financial firms into the payments market also raises new regulatory issues. As part of the review,
it would be good to hear how the regulatory system can best encourage a dynamic and innovative payments
system in Australia that fully serves the needs of its customers.
As the country continues its inexorable march towards a cashless society, it’s important to remember the downsides. Via The Adviser.
Australia
has been just a few years away from being a cashless society for a
couple of decades now, but it will eventually get there. Legislation
currently before the Senate aims to ban transactions over $10,000 in a
bid to hinder the black economy. From there, it’s not difficult to
imagine that the ubiquity of digital payment systems – and efforts the
by government – will see hard cash disappear at some point in the
future.
One of the supposed benefits of a cashless society is
that it cuts down on crime, the logic being that if there’s less cash to
steal, less cash is stolen. Laundering dirty money is also harder, as
every transaction is logged in some form or another.
But a cashless society comes with a number of negatives that might well outweigh the positives.
“As
payments move online, there would be an increased risk of crimes such
as identity theft, account takeover, fraudulent transactions and data
breaches, due to the higher volume of cashless transactions and more
points of exposure for the average consumer,” Dr Richard Harmon,
managing director of financial services at Cloudera, told Investor
Daily.
“Hackers
and other criminals now have new ways to get access to accounts and to
potentially set up synthetic accounts to facilitate more sophisticated
money laundering activities.”
And that’s just the risk posed by hackers. According to the UK’s access to cash report, a cashless society could heighten the risks of financial abuse. Elderly people, who might lack understanding of digital technology, would be particularly vulnerable. Couples with joint bank accounts are also at risk – money can be tracked and controlled by one person. These issues are already of great concern, but they’d be even worse in a cashless society.
That’s
not to mention that digital systems rely on topnotch digital
infrastructure, something that Australia doesn’t exactly have in spades.
That infrastructure also has to be more or less impervious to cyber
attacks, which may be carried out by state-sponsored actors with an
interest in crippling a country’s entire financial system. In the face
of that existential threat to the economy, a little bit of money
laundering doesn’t seem so bad.
A cashless society could also
make things worse for workers and the most vulnerable. It’s only a short
jump from cashless to “cashier-less”, and a cashless society would have
to deal with an explosion of unemployed low-skill individuals.
Meanwhile, those who lack access to banks – or prefer not to use them – are also at risk.
“Let
me highlight that one of the concerns about becoming a cashless society
– at least as we transition into this state – is the ability for the
underbanked or unbanked to have sufficient access to function properly
as they would within a cash-based system,” Dr Harmon said.
“This would be a key concern from a societal perspective.”
The
idea of a cashless society is promising. But hidden in that promise are
a number of caveats that any country – let alone Australia – would be
foolish to ignore.
This Act places restrictions on the use of cash or cash-like products
within the Australian economy. The Act imposes criminal offences if an
entity makes or accepts cash payments in circumstances that breach the
restrictions.
The proposed limit is A$10,000. Section 8 would make it an offence to make or accept cash payments of $10,000 occurring either as one-offs or in a linked sequence.
In parliament the minister said the $10,000 limit would not apply to
person-to-person transactions, such as private sales of cars.
But these exceptions are not included in the the Bill. What is
included is the phrase “specified by the rules”. Section 20 puts those
rules in the minister’s hands. Future ministers may narrow exceptions
and change rules.
It would remain legal to withdraw and hold more than $10,000. The stated intent of this Bill is to modify the use of cash, not the holding of cash.
All Australians will continue to be able to deposit and withdraw cash
in excess of $10,000 into and from their accounts, and to store more
than $10,000 of their money outside a bank.
Cash overboard
What’s proposed would limit competition (Visa, Mastercard, and PayPal would face a lesser competitor, for example) and limit long-held rights.
Everyday behaviour at present protected by the law would be criminalised.
In some cases, and perhaps many, the onus of proof would be reversed, with an “evidential burden” imposed on cash-using defendants.
Each partner in a partnership, each committee member of an
incorporated association and each trustee of a trust or superannuation
fund might become individually culpable for their entity’s use of cash.
Oddly, “bodies corporate and bodies politic” are treated differently
(Part 3), and the government itself cannot be prosecuted, an uneven
application of the law which has attracted little attention.
In my submission to the Senate inquiry (Submission 146) I argue the provisions would, among other things:
undercut the ability of banks to head off a banking crisis by providing a trusted and useful form of money
funnel more financial traffic through the equivalent of private toll roads
remove a guaranteed and always available fallback from electronic transactions
increase societal ill-ease and polarisation as citizens realise
their rights have been eroded for not particularly compelling stated
reasons.
Each point and many presented in other submissions need serious consideration, including in public Senate hearings.
The rationale presented
The speech to parliament introducing the bill was built around the hardly-new observation that cash payments can be “anonymous and untraceable”.
The government’s Black Economy Taskforce produced no detailed analysis but recommended the ban as a means of fighting tax avoidance, to:
make it more difficult to under-report income or charge lower prices and not remit good and services tax.
The speech also asserted that “more crucially”
the ban
would fight organised crime syndicates, although organised crime was not
mentioned in the part of the taskforce report that dealt with the
problem the limit was meant to address.
The guarantee dishonoured
Every pound note and then every dollar note issued by the
Commonwealth Bank and then Reserve Bank of Australia bears this
unconditional promise signed by the head of the bank and the head of the
treasury:
This Australian note is legal tender throughout Australia and its territories.
The bank’s website suggests the promise is ongoing:
All previous issues of Australian banknotes retain their legal tender status.
Its note printing arm was mortified earlier this year at the apparently accidental omission of the last letter “i” from the word “responsibility” on the new more secure $50 note.
The Bill before the Senate contains many and much more serious errors.
Cash has been one of the few things we can absolutely rely on,
whatever our status, situation or access to other payment means.
Removing (and dishonouring) that guarantee, while criminalising
reliance on it, should not be done lightly in a mad rush to an arbitrary
date.
Until now public debate about the proposal has been light, but concern is growing, even among quiet Australians.
Each Senator should ensure that last “i” in responsibility isn’t missing here either.
Author: Mark McGovern, Visiting Fellow, QUT Business School, Economics and Finance, Queensland University of Technology
The Victorian Liberal Party held their state council meeting in Ballarat where a motion was put forward calling on the Government to abandon their $10,000 cash transaction ban policy.
We discuss the implications of this move, with Steve Holland who is a member of the Victorian Liberal Party and who moved the motion at the State Council Meeting.
Afterpay breached money laundering law because of incorrect legal advice, according to an auditor. Via InvestorDaily.
The
buy-now, pay-later giant was the subject of an AUSTRAC probe over
allegations it breached the Anti-Money Laundering and Counter-Terrorism
Financing Act (AML/CTF).
But an independent auditor contracted by Afterpay has discovered that the breaches occurred because of incorrect legal advice.
“In
reaching these findings I have established that Afterpay’s compliance
with its AML/CTF obligations was, from the outset and over time, based
upon legal advice from top tier Australian law firms,” wrote Neil Jeans,
an anti-money laundering consultant who conducted the audit.
“I am of the opinion this initial legal advice was incorrect.”
The
unnamed law firms decided Afterpay was not providing loans to consumers
but instead providing factoring services to merchants. This advice “did
not reflect Afterpay’s business model” and led to the company focusing
its AML/CTF controls upon merchants rather than consumers.
“Despite
Afterpay having a compliance-focused culture, the consequences of being
provided with incorrect legal advice has resulted in historic
non-compliance with the AML/CTF Act and Rules,” Mr Jeans wrote in the
report.
However, the audit noted that Afterpay’s transaction
monitoring system is now “effective, efficient and intelligent” as a
result of greater resource allocation.
Mr Jeans also decided that
the nature of Afterpay’s service mitigates some money laundering and
terrorism financing risks, and noted that the company’s AML/CTF
compliance had “evolved and matured over time”.
Afterpay was quick to seize on the opportunities of the report in light of Westpac’s recent breaches of the same laws.
“Afterpay
reaffirms that it has not identified any money laundering or terrorism
financing activity via our systems to date,” the company said in a
statement accompanying the report.
But the ball is now in AUSTRAC’s court. The regulator will consider the report and decide whether to take further action.
Afterpay has pledged to continue its co-operation with AUSTRAC.
Currency (Restrictions on the Use of
Cash) Bill 2019
I have carefully reviewed the latest iteration of this legislation
and am gratified that the Senate has chosen to review the proposals, which I strongly
oppose.
Not only is the bill significantly eroding our civil
liberties, but the conduct of Treasury needs to be called out by suggesting
that 3,400 of the 3,500 submission they received during their brief 2 week
exposure review submission period were part of a campaign “by the CEC, a
political party”. While there was indeed a campaign to oppose the draft
legislation, I have evidence that submissions were made by many concerned
individuals and businesses with no links to the CEC. Indeed, my own submission,
some of the contents I am using here again, is based on my own independent
research and analysis. I have no
financial or political association with said CEC. I believe Treasury tried to
play down the considerable opposition which exists within the community. This
bill is, in my view toxic.
Digital Finance Analytics is a boutique research and analysis firm specialising in the financial service sector. We undertake primary research through our surveys, as well as deep research from the global literature relating to financial services. We publish regularly via our online channels at Digital Finance Analytics[1] as well as preparing reports on a range of related subject matters for our clients, and we collaborate with a number of academics.
My objections are centred around the following points.
Civil Liberties Are Being Eroded. Further public debate on these measures are warranted as they are fundamentally restricting personal freedoms. Today I can use and hold cash as I please. If passed, my freedom will be eroded. This is one in a series of measures which have been taken (including media freedoms) which are curtailing the hard-won freedoms Australians used to enjoy. Public hearings should be held by the Senate to judge community reactions to the bill as part of the current review.
There Is No Cost Benefit. The stated objective of the bill is to close tax avoidance and money laundering loopholes. But there is no quantification of the potential “savings” – and this is also true of the earlier Black Economy Taskforce report. It appears that simply stating these desired objectives is seen as sufficient to justify the bill. What is the cost benefit of such a measure, bearing in mind that transactions which fall outside the exemptions would need to be tracked and examined?
Increased Surveillance Will Be Required.
In some form, monitoring of offending transactions would be required if the
Bill were passed. This is not explained,
nor how it would be policed. Who would police them, at what cost? Further, the bill proposed a draconian set of
penalties designed to deter. Treasury admitted this in their FOI’d response.
Existing Laws Are Not Enforced. The true
size of the black economy is much in dispute, but indications are that it is
already falling. In addition, much of the tax leakage and avoidance would be
covered by existing legalisation if it were being policed effectively. We
support the view, recently aired by Andrew Wilkie in the debate on the floor of
the house, that:
“There’s already a requirement
to report transactions over $10,000. The problem is that those laws are not
being implemented and enforced[2].”
There are other more pressing areas of tax
leakage and AML risk. According to the OECD report “Implementing The OECD
Anti-Bribery Convention” released as part of the OECD Working Group on Bribery,
Real Estate is identified as at “significant risk” of being used for money
laundering. Among a raft of recommendations, is one saying Australia should be
“Taking urgent steps to address the risk that the proceeds of foreign bribery
could be laundered through the Australian real estate sector. These should
include specific measures to ensure that, in line with the FATF standards, the
Australian financial system is not the sole gatekeeper for such transactions”. To date these loopholes, remain open, as do those
relating the corporates and big business who, partly thanks to the assistance
of the large international accounting firms are responsible for the lions share
of tax leakage and AML activity. Our research suggests that Government, under
heavy corporate and business lobbying is deliberately letting this slide,
preferring to target in on a relatively inconsequential area of tax leakage
relating to cash transactions.
The Legislation Would Be Ineffective. Beyond
that, it is clear from our wider research of a range of sources that such a
proposed cash ban would have very little impact on hard core tax leakage. For example,
Professor Fredrich Schneider, a research fellow at the Institute of Labor
Economics at the University of Linz, Austria, a leading international expert on
the black economy has stated that there is a lack of empirical evidence that
cash transaction bans will help reduce the black economy. Schneider published a
paper in 2017[3] “Restricting or Abolishing Cash: An Effective
Instrument for Fighting the Shadow Economy, Crime and Terrorism” in which he
made this specific point.
There Is Another Agenda. In addition, while the Bill is silent on the connection to implementing negative interest rates as part of unconventional policy, the link was made clearly in the 2016 Geneva Report by the International Centre Monetary and Banking Studies (ICBM) titled: What else can Central Banks do?[4] This paper which was drafted by officials from international organisations such as the IMF/BIS and multiple central banks + commercial banks. In addition, within the original Black Economy Taskforce Report there was mention of the benefits of a cash transaction ban in relationship to monetary policy – yet this link was denied by Treasury in their recent FOI release.
The IMF Shows Why. The same thematic came through in recent IMF Blogs and working papers. In April 2019, the IMF published a new working paper on how deeply negative interest rates work. In previous papers, the IMF has suggested that nominal interest rates may have to go deeply negative, for example, -3% – 4%. First, they say “In summary, ten years after the crisis, it is clear that the zero-lower bound on interest rates has proved to be a serious obstacle for monetary policy. However, the zero lower bound is not a law of nature; it is a policy choice. We show that with readily available tools a central bank can enable deep negative rates whenever needed—thus maintaining the power of monetary policy in the future.” Next they declare “Our view is that, when needed, deep negative rates are likely to be worth the political cost. While the complete abolition of paper currency would indeed clear the way for deep negative interest rates whenever deep negative rates were called for, such proposals remain difficult to implement since they involve a drastic change in the way people transact.”
The Bill Is Connected to Negative Interest
Rates. The connection is obvious in that in a negative interest rate
environment households and businesses will be likely to withdraw funds from the
banking system and transact in cash. If enough cash is extracted, negative
interest rates will simply have no effect. We believe the measures proposed in
the current Bill are truly about enabling negative rates, yet this is not
mentioned within the Bill. This is misleading and deceptive. The true
motivations should be on the record. But it explains the short time frames.
Households and Businesses Would Be Trapped In The Banking System. If such a ban was introduced households and businesses would be forced to use the banking system, meaning that bank charges could not be avoided, which benefits banks, not their customers. In addition, we have seen recent system and power failures which have caused disruption to the electronic payments systems. If cash is less available and restricted, a failure would be even more significant and inconvenient and could damage the economy. Once in the banking system, funds can be monitored and controlled (seen by the Taskforce as a positive move – we disagree), but such control could limit access to cash and transactions in general in a crisis. And we note from our SME surveys that many businesses, especially in rural and regional Australia regularly use cash as electronic alternatives are not available. Finally, offering cash for a discount, which is part of legitimate everyday business (because bank charges are avoided) would be removed.
The Structure Allows Change by Regulation Subsequently. The structure of the Bill enables parameters to be changed subsequently by regulation (not via Parliament). This opens the door to removing some of the concessions contained in the current drafting by agencies without full scrutiny. The bill is therefore open ended with regards to crypto, precious metals and other carveouts. In addition, we note surprisingly, government transactions, and cash transactions in Casinos are carved out, which again flags concerns about the structure and limitations of the bill.
A Reduced Limit Could Be Waived Through. Whilst we note that the $10,000 limit would require Parliamentary approval, in practice this could be made without full debate – as illustrated by the passage on the recent APRA bill, or as part of an omnibus “procedural” bill which masks the true intent. It is important to note that where cash transaction bans have been introduced, the value ceiling has been lowered. France has legally prohibited cash transactions above 1,000 euros, Spain has legally prohibited cash transactions above 2,500 euros, Italy has legally prohibited cash transactions above 3,000 euros, and the European Central Bank ended the production and issuance of its 500 euro note at the end of 2018.
In summary, my overriding concern is that Parliamentarians
will only consider the narrow tax efficiency aspect of the Bill and vote it
through without grasping the true intent and consequences. Civil liberties are
being eroded, and the trap will be set to force households and businesses to
transact within the banking system, thus facilitating experimental monetary
policies, via the back door.
It would be nice if the “facts” being thrown around in the debate over the Cashless Debit Card were peer-reviewed, or even just evidence-based. Via The Conversation.
Instead, there are anecdotes. And it’s these that are being used to justify the government’s decision to spend A$128.8 million
over four years continuing the existing trial of the cashless debit
card in five sites in Western Australia, Queensland and South Australia
and extending it to Cape York and all of the Northern Territory.
The cashless card was recommended to Prime Minister Tony Abbott in a report from mining billionaire Andrew Forrest in 2014. He initially called it the “Healthy Welfare Card”.
It wasn’t a new idea. Some A$1 billion dollars had already been spent
on income management programs in the past, many of which had failed to meet their stated objectives.
The biggest was the Basics Card introduced as part of the 2007 Northern Territory Emergency Response (the “Intervention”) which was only made possible through the suspension of the Racial Discrimination Act.
Research published by the Australian Research Council funded Life Course Centre of Excellence found its introduction was correlated with negative impacts on children, including reductions in birth weight and school attendance.
It points to several possible explanations, including increased
stress on mothers, disrupted financial arrangements within households,
and confusion about how to access funds.
The government has not addressed these serious issues. Instead, it
now seeks to place those who have been left on the basics card for over
ten years now, on to the cashless debit card.
What was ‘Basics’ has become ‘Indue’
The 2016 Indue Cashless Debit Card.
indue.com.au
The “Indue” Cashless Debit Card trials underway since 2016 direct 80% of each payment to the card (Forrest asked for 100%)
where it can only be spent on things such as food, clothes, health
items and hygiene products. Purchases of alcohol and withdrawals of cash
are not permitted.
The trials are compulsorily for everyone living in the trial sites
receiving a disability, parenting, carer, unemployment or youth
allowance payment.
My own research in the East Kimberley found it makes those people’s lives harder.
Those targeted are a broad group needing support for a broad range of
reasons, yet all are treated as if they have issues with alcohol or
drugs or gambling.
Most of the people on it do indeed have a common problem: that is
trying to survive on meagre payments in remote environments with a
chronically low supply of jobs.
Of all the claims made for the card, the least believable is that it gets its users into jobs.
What it does do is limit access to cash needed for day to day-to-day
living. It makes it hard to buy second-hand goods, transport and (at
some outlets) food, and can make living more expensive.
For anyone actually struggling with addiction, it can’t substitute for treatment, a concern raised by medical specialists.
While the government says the trials have been community-led, in
reality consultation has been limited to a small group of people not
subject to the card.
When leaders in the East Kimberley who had agreed to the card withdrew their support, the government continued with the trial.
Profiting from the Cashless Debit Card has been Indue, a private company whose deputy chairman up until 2013 is now the present President of the National Party, Larry Anthony.
Indue’s involvement is helping to create a two tiered banking system
in which most people have a choice of financial providers, but those
subject to the card are restricted to one, which provides a very
different product to the others.
Indue is also not a member of the Australian Banking Association, and
so is not bound by the consumer protection provisions of its Banking Code of Practice.
The inquiry is due to report next week. Given the expensive and harmful consequences of the trial, it ought to find the extension is not justified. There are better ways to spend $128.8 million that would actually help vulnerable Australians.
Author: Elise Klein (OAM), Senior Lecturer in Development Studies, University of Melbourne