APRA Extends Basel III Consultation

APRA today extended the consultation period on the changes to Basel III disclosure requirements.

On 18 September 2014, APRA released for consultation a discussion paper and draft amendments to Prudential Standard APS 110 Capital Adequacy and Prudential Standard APS 330 Public Disclosure, which outlined APRA’s proposed implementation of new disclosure requirements for authorised deposit-taking institutions (ADIs).

The disclosures are in relation to:

  • the leverage ratio;
  • the liquidity coverage ratio; and
  • the identification of potential globally systemically important banks.

This consultation package also proposed minor amendments to rectify minor deviations from APRA’s implementation of the Basel Committee’s Basel III framework.

APRA’s intention was that, subject to the outcome of the consultation, these amendments would come into effect from 1 January 2015. A number of matters remain to be addressed before APRA is able to finalise the new standards. Accordingly, given the limited period of time remaining before the scheduled implementation date, APRA is advising affected ADIs that any new requirements will not take effect until 1 April 2015 at the earliest.

GSIBs Will Likely Need More Capital

The Financial Stability Board released a draft discussion paper on the proposed revisions to the capital to be held by Globally Significant Banks GSIBs. The FSB proposes that a single specific minimum Pillar 1 TLAC requirement be set within the range of 16–20% of RWAs and at least twice the Basel 3 Tier 1 leverage ratio requirement. The final calibration of the common Pillar 1 Minimum TLAC requirement will take account of the results of this consultation and the Quantitative Impact Study and market survey which will be carried out in early 2015.

This is higher than current levels (by quite some way), and whilst we should stress that no Australian Banks are GSIBs, and that local capital calculations are worked slightly differently from some other countries, we should expect capital buffers to be increased in a trickle down effect, in due course. Individual banks would be impacted differently, but when we overlay recent APRA and RBA comments, our view that capital buffers will be raised eventually seem to be reinforced.

 

APRA’s Stress Testing And Bank Optimism

APRA has released Wayne Byre’s speech at the ABF Randstad Leaders Lecture Series on Seeking strength in adversity: Lesson’s from APRA’s 2014 stress test on Australia’s largest banks.

He outlines the results of recent bank stress testing, with a focus on the exposure to mortgage lending. Essentially, the tests indicate that whilst capital buffers appear to be adequate, the assumptions made by the banks, in terms of raising further capital, and other mitigating factors may well be too optimistic. “Banks may well survive the stress, but that is not to say the system could sail through it with ease”.  The entire speech is worth reading, but I highlight some of his remarks.

Let me start by posing a question: are Australian banks adequately capitalised?

That’s a pretty important question, and one that the Financial System Inquiry is rightly focussed on. When compared against the Basel III capital requirements, they certainly seem to be. At end June 2014, the Common Equity Tier 1 ratio of the Australian banking system was 9.1 per cent, well above the APRA minimum requirement of 4.5 per cent currently in place, or 7.0 per cent when the capital conservation buffer comes into force in 2016. And in APRA’s view, after adjusting for differences in national application of the Basel standards, the largest Australian banks appear to be in the upper half of their global peers in terms of their capital strength. But the question remains: is that adequate?

There is no easy answer to that question. To answer it, you need to first answer another question: adequate for what?

Adequate to generate confidence is one simple answer. We require banks to have capital because they make their money by taking risks using other people’s money. That is not intended to sound improper; the financial intermediation provided by banks is critical to the efficient functioning of the economy. However, as very highly leveraged institutions at the centre of the financial system, investing in risky assets and offering depositors a capital guaranteed investment, we need confidence that banks can withstand periods of reasonable stress without jeopardising the interests of the broader community (except perhaps for their own shareholders). But what degree of confidence do we want?

Risk-based capital ratios are the traditional measure used to assess capital adequacy. Risk weights can be thought of as an indicator of likely loss on each asset on (and off) a bank’s balance sheet. So they tell us something about the maximum loss a bank can incur. But they don’t tell us anything about how likely, or under what scenario, those losses might eventuate.

Over the past decade, and particularly in the post-crisis period, regulators and banks have supplemented traditional measures of capital adequacy with stress testing. Stress testing helps provide a forward-looking view of resilience in a way in which static comparisons or benchmarks cannot. It provides an alternative lens through which the adequacy of capital can be assessed. In simple terms, it tries to answer the question: does a bank have enough capital to survive an adverse scenario – can we be confident it has strength in adversity?

Unsurprisingly, our stress test this year has targeted at risks in the housing market. The low risk nature of Australian housing portfolios has traditionally provided ballast for Australian banks – a steady income stream and low loss rates from housing loan books have helped keep the banks on a reasonably even keel, even when they are navigating otherwise stormy seas. But that does not mean that will always be the case. Leaving aside the current discussion of the state of the housing market, I want to highlight some key trends that demonstrate why housing risks and the capital strength of Australian banks are inextricably and increasingly intertwined.

Over the past ten years, the assets of Australian ADIs have grown from $1.5 trillion to $3.7 trillion. Over the same period, the paid-up capital and retained earnings have grown from $84 billion to $203 billion. Both have increased by almost identical amounts – close enough to 140 per cent each. This similarity in growth rates over the decade hides some divergent trends in individual years, but today the ratio of shareholders’ funds to the balance sheet assets of the Australian banking system – a simple measure of resilience – is virtually unchanged from a decade ago. Much of the recent build up in capital has simply reversed a decline in core equity in the pre-crisis period – as a result, on the whole we’re not that far from where we started from.

So how have regulatory capital ratios risen? Largely through changes in the composition of the asset side of the balance sheet. While the ratio of loans to assets has barely budged, the proportion of lending attributable to housing has increased from roughly 55 per cent to around 65 per cent today. Because housing loans are regarded as lower risk, the ratio of risk weighted assets to total (unweighted) assets has fallen quite noticeably – from 65 per cent to around 45 per cent. The impact of this trend is that, even though balance sheets have grown roughly in line with shareholders’ funds, risk-weighted assets have grown more slowly and regulatory capital ratios are correspondingly higher.

Results – Phase 1

In the first phase, banks projected a significant impact on profitability and marked declines in capital ratios in both scenarios, consistent with the deterioration in economic conditions. The stress impact on capital was driven by three principal forces: an increase in banks’ funding costs which reduced net interest income, growth in risk weighted assets as credit quality deteriorated, and of course, a substantial increase in credit losses as borrowers defaulted.  In aggregate, the level of credit losses projected by banks was comparable with the early 1990s recession in Australia, but unlike that experience, there were material losses on residential mortgages. This reflects the housing market epicentre of the scenarios, and also the increasing concentration of bank loan books on that single asset class. In each scenario, losses on residential mortgages totalled around $45 billion over a 5 year period, and accounted for a little under one-third of total credit losses. By international standards, this would be broadly in line with the 3 per cent loss rate for mortgages experienced in the UK in the early 1990s, but lower than in Ireland (5 per cent) and the United States (7 per cent) in recent years. In other words, banks’ modelling predicts housing losses would certainly be material, but not of the scale seen overseas.

Stress testing on this core portfolio is an imprecise art, given the lack of domestic stress data to model losses on. Beneath the aggregate results, there was a wide range of loss estimates produced by banks’ internal models. This variation applies both to the projections for the number of loans that would default, and the losses that would emerge if they did. Our view was that there seemed to be a greater range than differences in underlying risk are likely to imply.  Another key area where there were counter-intuitive results was from the modelling of the impact of higher interest rates on borrowers’ ability to meet mortgage repayments. Banks typically projected little differentiation in borrower default rates between the two scenarios, despite the very different paths of interest rates and implied borrowing costs. This raises the question whether banks could be underestimating the potential losses that could stem from sharply rising interest rates in the scenario. In the current low interest rate environment, this is a key area in which banks need to further develop their analytical capabilities.

Phase 2

The results in the second phase of the stress test, based on APRA estimates of stress loss, produced a similar message on overall capital loss – although the distribution across banks differed from Phase 1 as more consistent loss estimates were applied. Aggregate losses over the five years totalled around $170 billion under each scenario. Housing losses under Scenario A were $49 billion; they were $57 billion under Scenario B.

These aggregate losses produced a material decline in the capital ratio of the banking system. The key outcomes were:

  • Starting the scenario at 8.9 per cent, the aggregate Common Equity Tier 1 (CET1) ratio of the participant banks fell under Scenario A to a trough of  5.8 per cent in the second year of the crisis (that is, there was a decline of 3.1 percentage points), before slowly recovering after the peak of the losses had passed.
  • From the same starting point, under Scenario B the trough was 6.3 per cent, and experienced in the third year.
  • The ratios for Tier 1 and Total Capital followed a similar pattern as CET1 under both scenarios.
  • At an individual bank level there was a degree of variation in the peak-to trough fall in capital ratios, but importantly all remained above the minimum CET1 capital requirement of 4.5 per cent.

This broad set of results should not really be a surprise. It reflects the strengthening in capital ratios at an industry level over the past five years. But nor should it lead to complacency. Almost all banks projected that they would fall well into the capital conservation buffer range and would therefore be severely constrained on paying dividends and/or bonuses in both scenarios. For some banks, the conversion of Additional Tier 1 instruments would have been triggered as losses mounted. More generally, and even though CET1 requirements were not breached, it is unlikely that Australia would have the fully-functioning banking system it would like in such an environment. Banks with substantially reduced capital ratios would be severely constrained in their ability to raise funding (both in availability and pricing), and hence in their ability to advance credit. In short, we would have survived the stress, but the aftermath might not be entirely comfortable.
Recovery planning.

The aggregate results I have just referred to assume limited management action to avert or mitigate the worst aspects of the scenario. This is, of course, unrealistic: management would not just sit on their hands and watch the scenario unfold. As part of Phase 2, APRA also asked participating banks to provide results that included mitigating actions they envisaged taking in response to the stress. The scale of capital losses in the scenarios highlights the importance of these actions, to rebuild and maintain investor and depositor confidence if stressed conditions were to emerge.

This was an area of the stress test that was not completed, in our view, with entirely convincing answers. In many cases, there was clear evidence of optimism in banks’ estimates of the beneficial impact of some mitigating actions, including for example on cost-cutting or the implications of repricing loans. The feedback loops from these steps, such as a drop in income commensurate with a reduction in costs, or increase in bad debts as loans become more expensive for borrowers, were rarely appropriately considered.

Despite the commonality of actions assumed by banks, there was variation in the speed and level of capital rebuild targeted. Some banks projected quick and material rebuilds in their capital positions, after only a small “dip” into the capital conservation range. Other banks assumed that they would remain within the range for a long period of time. It is far from clear that a bank could reasonably operate in such an impaired state for such a length of time and still maintain market confidence.

Disappointingly, there was a only a very light linkage between the mitigating actions proposed by banks in the stress test and their recovery plans (or “living wills”), with loose references rather than comprehensive use. Recovery plans should have provided banks with ready-made responses with which to answer this aspect of the stress test. APRA will be engaging with banks following the stress test to review and improve this area of crisis preparedness.

Most importantly, the exercise also raised questions around the combined impact of banks’ responses. For example, proposed equity raisings, a cornerstone action in most plans, appeared reasonable in isolation – but may start to test the brink of market capacity when viewed in combination and context. The tightening of underwriting standards, another common feature, could have the potential to lead to a simultaneous contraction in lending and reduction in collateral values, complicating and delaying the economic recovery as we have seen in recent years in other jurisdictions. In other words, banks may well survive the stress, but that is not to say the system could sail through it with ease.

Concluding comments

To sum up, the Australian banking industry appears reasonably resilient to the immediate impacts of a severe downturn impacting the housing market. That is good news. But a note of caution is also needed – this comes with a potentially significant capital cost and with question marks over the ease of the recovery. The latter aspect is just as important as the former: if the system doesn’t have sufficient resilience to quickly bounce back from shocks, it risks compounding the shocks being experienced. Our conclusion is, therefore, that there is scope to further improve the resilience of the system.

 

Big Four Serve Up $28.6bn Profit

The results are now in for the last year from the major banks, and combined they delivered more than $28bn in cash profit, higher than the $27bn last year.

There are several key drivers of profitability, the first is housing lending. Rises in property prices inflates new loans, and the banks’ balance sheets. If the property market takes a turn down, this will have an impact. Net interest margin is down a little (thanks to discounting) but is now being offset by lower deposit rates.

The second is efficiency and some players are doing a lot better than others in excellence of execution, thanks to technology investments, and cultural transformation. This will continue as new technology and channels become ever more mainstream. This may open the door on new competitors, as discussed in our Quiet Revolution report.

The profit contribution from wealth management will continue to grow, as superannuation balances increase thanks to the enforced savings scheme. This may be offset by a reduction in fees. Is FOFA another sleeper? Well, unless the Senate does something surprising, the FOFA regulation will work in the banks favour, so no.

The enigma factor with regards to continuing performance is whether via the FSI or directly, the regulators lift the capital requirements for the majors. There is a strong argument to do this, because as the concentration risks in the mortgage book become an ever larger share of the total book, the Basel III rules mean the banks can get away with ever lower capital reserves. Those within the banks will claim they already have more than enough capital, and would be put at a disadvantage compared to other international players. However, on an international comparison basis, Australian banks are relatively less well capitalised. The current rules also make lending to business less attractive in comparison to home loans. Capital rules may be selectively targetted at property investors and especially those signing up to interest only loans.

If capital requirements are lifted, the banks will have to raise their pricing to match, but on the other hand they can also trim their deposit margins, and tweak their discounting strategies. So, we believe that even if capital requirements were adjusted up, there is really little likely impact on bank profit. Margins and fees in Australia are still relatively high and competition works for the majors.

So, overall, we think that profit landscape is going to remain relatively benign, external economic shocks excepting. Those with a strong local franchise will be best positioned.

Capital Rules Likely To Be Sharpened

In an important speech given today by Wayne Byres, Chairman of APRA, “Perspectives on the Global Regulatory Agenda”, there are some important pointers which indicate to me that we should expect some changes to the capital regulatory framework quite soon. We highlighted the capital questions recently.

Whilst talking about the global agenda, he did confirm the FSI Inquiry view that local and global cannot be separated. Whilst Basel III was focusing on systemically important banks, the current agenda is to minimise the impact of bank failure. He comments that the role of internal models now being used by the large banks to calculate capital requirements is being questioned. “The Chairman of the Basel Committee has made it clear that there is a problem, and something must be done about it”. APRA recently indicated that the route would likley be an increase in the risk weightings.

Next he discussed the need to bolster the ability of banks to handle losses should they arise.

Finally, he also highlighted concerns about bank culture, and the incentives which drive behaviour within these organisations.

These are important issues, and as we showed, the major Australian banks now hold less capital to assets than they did before the GFC, and before Basel II and III were implemented. This is a concern.

BanksRatiosJuly2014How might this play out?

Well, we would expect banks using the advance internal methods of capital calculation will be required to hold more capital than they do today. This will reduce their ability to lend, and raise the costs of loans to borrowers. Second, we would expect the concept of creating additional categories of capital using subordinated instruments to be blocked (many of the banks have been calling for this, as it would reduce their capital costs further). Finally, we we expect lending standards to be examined, and especially serviceability, or loan to income criteria be established.

Whether this will be triggered by the findings from FSI, or directly by APRA is an open question. But it looks to me as if capital just got more expensive for the large players. Some would say, better late then never!

But strangest of all is the apparent disconnect between the RBA minutes today which highlighted the banks strong capital position, and the APRA discussions. They cannot both be right.

 

 

 

The Capital Conundrum

A cornerstone of banking regulation and control is the application of capital ratios, which acts a brake on their ability to write more loans. The rules are set by the Bank of International Settlement, but they may be interpreted by local regulators, like APRA in Australia to take account of local conditions. BIS has no direct control. The calculations can be quite complex, because the rules offer the banks various options based on their sophistication, risk profile, and other factors.

Recently there has been a renewed focus on capital, triggered by a series of events.

  1. The FSI interim report made the point that smaller banks were at a competitive disadvantage in Australia because of differences in the capital required, and hinted that in the final report, they may recommend some changes.
  2. Some of the large players responded by suggesting that smaller banks should be allowed to move towards the more complex capital mechanisms, thus enabling them to complete. Others have suggested that the right move would be to lift the required ratios amongst the big four, who all use versions of the advanced capital scheme.
  3. In response APRA provided a further submission to the FSI inquiry, which went into significant detail around the question of capital.
  4. Meantime, Christopher Joye has published two posts showing that capital for the Australian large banks, in absolute terms had fallen, thanks to the move to the more advanced basis, since the GFC, despite all the talk (from banks and regulators) that capital had lifted. His latest was called “The inconvenient truth about our banks”.
  5. Two of the investment banks came out recently with estimates that revised capital arrangements might cost the industry between 12 and 24 billion.
  6. In a recent speech on macroprudential tools, the Head of The Monetary and Economic Department, BIS said “DTI ratios and, to a lesser extent perhaps, LTV ratios are comparatively more effective than increases in loan provisions or capital requirements.” This raises the question – is capital the best regulatory tool?

So, today we wanted to spend time today on this important capital issue.

First, the capital adequacy ratio (CAR) is simply the ratio between a bank’s core capital and it risk-weighted assets. It is a mechanism to protect depositors by limiting the banks’ ability to lend. Note that in banking language, assets are loans made by the bank, and liabilities are monies received by the bank. So deposits are a liability (because the bank will need to pay the deposit funds back at some point and interest meantime), whereas Loans are assets because they generate income for the bank).

Core capital is divided into tier 1 and tier 2 capital. Tier 1 capital (which includes things like paid up capital, disclosed reserves, after adjustments for intangibles and losses) is essentially capital which a bank may loose without having to cease trading; whilst Tier 2 capital (which undisclosed reserves, hybrid capital and subordinated debt etc.) offers less protection for depositors than Tier 1 capital but can absorb losses if the bank is wound up.

Assets of various types will hold different weightings. For example under the original Basel I capital guidelines loans to governments may be regarded as riskless (debatable in some cases?) and so are rated 0%, secured housing loans were assigned a 50% risk weighting, whereas other lending categories were weighted 100%.

The recent changes under Basel II and Basel III (yet to be fully implemented) extended the regulatory framework, and tweaked the capital weightings. In addition, in October 2012, the Basel Committee finalised its framework for dealing with domestic systemically important banks (D-SIBs). The D-SIB framework in Australia focuses only on the larger banks, APRA has determined that Australia and New Zealand Banking Group Limited; Commonwealth Bank of Australia; National Australia Bank Limited; and Westpac Banking Corporation are D-SIBs.

APRA’s recent second submission to the Murray Inquiry cover a range of capital-related issues. Here are some important extracts.

The average risk weight for residential mortgage exposures for ADIs using the standardised approach is currently in the order of 39 per cent; the comparable figure under the internal ratings based (IRB) approach is around 18 per cent. These figures are, however, not directly comparable.

The more risk-sensitive IRB approach generates, on the whole, a lower capital requirement for residential mortgage exposures than the standardised approach.

If smaller ADIs were to successfully obtain approval for use of the IRB approach for their credit portfolios, it is unlikely that the average risk weight for residential mortgage exposures for these ADIs would automatically settle at the same level as that of the major banks.

The Basel framework does not allow for the selective implementation of the IRB approach across individual credit portfolios. This stance is critical for protecting against cherry picking; it would also undermine the ability of ADIs to demonstrate they meet the use test.

Other options canvassed in the Interim Report involve changes to risk weights under the standardised approach, which would be contrary to the Basel framework.

The Interim Report suggests that ‘standardised risk weights do not provide incentives for the ADIs that use them to reduce the riskiness of their lending’. This is not the case in Australia: a simple tiered system of risk weights already exists. By way of example, consider a standard residential mortgage loan with no mortgage insurance. If the loan-to valuation ratio (LVR) is greater than 90 per cent, the loan receives a 75 per cent risk weight. Capital requirements decrease by one third (i.e. to a 50 per cent risk weight) if the LVR is reduced below 90 per cent and by a further third (i.e. to a 35 per cent risk weight) if the LVR is reduced below 80 per cent. There are also incentives for ADIs to obtain mortgage insurance; in general, risk weights for higher LVR loans are reduced by around one quarter if mortgage insurance is obtained.The opposite is true for non-standard loans, where risk weights relative to standard loans are increased by 25 to 50 per cent.

The effect of this tiering of risk weights is that under a minimum Common Equity Tier 1 (CET1) capital ratio of 7 per cent, ADIs with low-risk housing portfolios, i.e. all loans receiving a 35 per cent risk weight, could operate with leverage of around 40:1. It is not, therefore, correct to conclude that the standardised approach to credit risk is insensitive to risk.

If the Inquiry concludes that it is appropriate for APRA to consider a narrowing of the differential in risk weights for residential mortgage exposures between the standardised and IRB approaches to credit risk, the only proposed option in the Interim Report that would ensure continued compliance with the internationally agreed Basel framework would be to increase the average risk weight used by banks operating under the IRB approach.

Increasing IRB risk weights could be accomplished in various ways, including further increases to APRA’s minimum LGD requirement for residential mortgage exposures, or preferably through revised technical assumptions within the IRB framework. This issue should be considered in the context of the broader work being undertaken by the Basel Committee, as the impact of changes to risk weights needs to be carefully analysed. Greater prescription in IRB estimates may reduce incentives ADIs currently have to invest the resources and management attention required to model these estimates accurately. It may also make risk weights potentially less risk sensitive, and may change relative capital requirements across asset classes. Any considerations on this issue also need to be viewed within the context of the Inquiry’s deliberations regarding the positioning of Australia’s prudential framework relative to the global median.

So, with that in mind let’s look at the current state of play, using the APRA quarterly statistics, last published to June 2014. First, we calculated the ratio between the gross loans outstanding, and the Tier 1 capital held, over time. We see that the big four, relative to their loan portfolios, hold lower capital buffers than their competitors. Note this is a calculation based on the ratio of the value of gross loans made, and capital held under Tier 1, so excludes any capital weighting as the normal capital calculations do.

Assets-To-Capital-By-ADI
Next, because the big four are dominant – holding more than 85% of all lending, we will look at these players specifically. The chart below shows the growth in gross assets (loans) from Jun 2004, and the relative growth in housing lending, now 62% of all loans for the majors are housing related. Next we show the tier 1 capital ratio’s as calculated using IRB Basel, showing a rise to over 10% since 2004. On the other hand, a calculation of the ratio of capital to assets shows no change, so in absolute terms Joye is right, the big banks hold less capital now against their loans than they did.

BanksRatiosJuly2014
Then we can look at the mix of property loans to total loans in more detail. It has risen by 10% since 2004, so the banks are more highly exposed to the property market than ever, (before we even start to consider whether they hold investment paper from buying securitised assets issued by the smaller players and non-banks.) If we look at the ratio of capital to housing loans, again we see a fall, thanks to the IRB system which Basel allows.

BanksPropertyToAllLoansJuly2014
So, to conclude. First, it is true the big banks hold less capital against their loans than they did, thanks to the adoptions of IRB methods. This is in line with the global formulas and the banks here are fully capital compliant. Indeed on some measures Australia is more conservative in its application of the Basel formula than some other countries. One recent analysis indicated that if we applied the rules used in the UK to Australian Banks, total capital held could rise by 2-3%. That would lift the total capital levels (tier 1 and tier 2) to 14-15%, but this is still below the 17.5% targeted by the UK. Other suggest we need to be more conservative to be fully compliant. A 2012 IMF working paper said:

“The four major Australian banks have capital well about the regulatory requirements with high quality capital. While their headline capital ratios are below the global average for large banks in a sample of advanced and emerging market economies, Australia’s more conservative approach in implementing the Basel II framework implies that Australian banks’ headline capital ratios underestimate their capital strength. For example, a comparison with Canadian banks highlights the impact of Australia’s more conservative approach. The four major Australian banks are well-positioned to meet the higher capital requirements under Basel III, and with the improvements in their funding profiles since the global financial crisis they are making good progress toward meeting the Basel III liquidity standards. Stress tests calibrated on the Irish crisis experience show that the banks are largely able to withstand sizable shocks to their exposure to residential mortgages. However, combining residential mortgage shocks with corporate losses expected at the peak of the global financial crisis would bring down the banks ’ average total capital ratio below the regulatory minimum. Given high bank concentration and market uncertainty, therefore, the merits of higher capital requirements need to be considered for systemically important domestic banks, taking into account the currently evolving international standards”.

So, second, we in Australia have levels of capital lower than some other countries, even allowing for local variations.

Third, smaller players in Australia are operating in an environment, where they are holding more capital relative than the large players because of different capital rules, so they are at a competitive disadvantage. Lowering capital for these players is not the answer, the only option would be to lift the target for the larger players.

Next, the big four are heavily leveraged into property, to the point where we think there is a strong argument to insist the banks hold significantly more capital, to ensure financial stability, especially given their leverage to sky high property prices at the moment. Holding capital however costs, and holding more will reduce payouts to shareholders, and perhaps even lift rates to borrowers. We will see what The Murray Inquiry comes up with in due course.

One final thought, it appears to me that APRA has latitude under the D-SIB rules to raise the capital buffers further, this may be one neat method to address some of the capital concerns. In addition, perhaps macroprudential tools could be used to take some of the burden off capital controls, this seems to be advocated by BIS.