Australian Securitisation Under The Microscope

Today, in a speech by Chris Aylmer, Head of Domestic Markets Department, RBA, we got an interesting summary of recent developments in the market. This is important, because as at June, the Bank held about $25 billion of these assets under repo as part of their liquidity management operations. In addition, at the same forum, Charles Litterell, EGM APRA discussed the planned reforms to prudential framework for securitisation, highlighting that APRA want to facilitate a much larger, but very simple and safe, funding-only market and also facilitate a capital-relief securitisation market. In both cases, they want to impose a simpler and safer prudential framework than has evolved internationally. The RBA comments are worth reading:

While conditions in global financial markets have improved since the depths of the global financial crisis, the market for asset-backed securities has notably lagged this improvement. Issuance of private-label asset-backed securities in the US is currently equivalent to around 1½ per cent of GDP, compared with an average of around 8 per cent in the first half of the 2000s (Graph 1). Issuance of private-label residential mortgage-backed securities (RMBS) has been virtually non-existent since 2008. In contrast, issuance of auto loan-backed securities is nearing its pre-crisis level. Issuance of securities backed by student-loans and credit card receivables is also growing, though it remains well below its pre-crisis peak.

sp-so-111114-graph1Activity in the European securitisation market remains very subdued, with annual issuance placed with investors relative to the size of the economy declining for the fourth year in a row. While the challenging economic conditions on the continent have contributed to this, European authorities have identified a number of other impediments and are developing proposals to address them.[2] In September the European Central Bank (ECB) announced that it will implement an asset-backed securities purchase program aimed at expanding the ECB’s balance sheet. While this program is not explicitly targeted at reviving the European ABS market, the ECB expects the programme to stimulate ABS issuance.

In comparison with its overseas counterparts, the Australian securitisation market, which remains predominantly an RMBS market, has experienced a strong recovery over the past couple of years, albeit not to pre global financial crisis levels. Issuance started to pick up in late 2012, reached a post-crisis high in 2013, and has remained high since then.

This mainly reflects the strong performance of Australian residential mortgages and the high quality of the collateral pools which are primarily fully documented prime mortgages. While delinquency rates on Australian prime residential mortgages increased after 2007, this increase was a lot less severe than in most other developed economies (Graph 2). Indeed, serious delinquencies in Australia, those of 90 days or longer, remained below 1 per cent and have declined since 2011 to around 0.5 per cent currently. Mortgage prepayment rates, which affect the timing of the payments to the RMBS notes, have also been relatively stable in Australia, resulting in subdued prepayment and extension risk for RMBS investors.

sp-so-111114-graph2Issuance margins on RMBS continued to tighten throughout this year across all categories of issuers (Graph 3). Banks have been able to place their latest AAA-rated tranches in the market at weighted average spreads of 80 basis points – the lowest level since late 2007. Spreads on the AAA-rated tranches of non-bank issued RMBS have also declined, to around 100 basis points. Investor demand has extended across the range of tranches, with a significant pick-up reported in demand for mezzanine notes. As a result, a number of issuers have priced their mezzanine notes at some of the tightest spreads since 2007.

sp-so-111114-graph3Similar to last year, RMBS issuance this year has mainly originated from the major banks (Graph 4). Indeed, issuance by the major banks is on par with their issuance prior to the global financial crisis. Issuance by other banks has also been robust this year, although it is still well below pre-crisis levels when these issuers accounted for around 40 per cent of the market.

sp-so-111114-graph4Mortgage originators have been active this year, although their issuance has predominantly been of prime RMBS. Mortgage originators have issued only $1.6 billion of non-conforming RMBS in 5 transactions so far this year. The number of mortgage originators active in the market in the past two years has increased relative to the period from 2009 to 2012.

They are an important presence in the market. In the period preceding the global financial crisis, mortgage originators took advantage of innovations in the packaging and pricing of risk. In doing so, they were able to undercut bank mortgage rates. The banks responded and spreads on mortgages declined markedly. While a number of large mortgage originators have exited the market, the presence of mortgage originators promotes competition in the mortgage market.

Issuance of asset-backed securities other than RMBS has generally been in line this year with previous years. Issuance of commercial mortgage-backed securities (CMBS) and other ABS this year has been around $5 billion, compared with an average of about $6 billion over the three preceding years.

The investor base in Australian ABS has continued to evolve (Graph 5). The stock of RMBS held by non-residents has been relatively steady since late 2010 suggesting that non-residents have been net buyers of Australian ABS. The strong performance of Australian RMBS and lack of issuance elsewhere may have been an important driver behind the participation of foreign investors. There has been a pick-up in RMBS holdings by Authorised deposit-taking institutions (ADIs) – they now hold just under 40 per cent of marketed ABS outstanding – with the major banks accounting for much of the increase.

sp-so-111114-graph5Holdings of ABS by real money domestic investors have gradually declined, to the point where these investors, in aggregate, now hold less than a quarter of what they held four years ago. The longer-term sustainability of the Australian securitisation market may well depend on increasing participation in the market by domestic real money investors.

One of the key structuring developments since mid 2007 has been the increase in credit subordination provided to the senior AAA-rated notes. This primarily reflects decreased reliance by the major banks on lenders mortgage insurance (LMI) support in their RMBS. This trend has been driven by investor preference for detaching the AAA-rating on the senior notes from the ratings of the LMI provider.

The increased subordination in the major banks’ RMBS has been to a level in excess of that required to achieve a AAA-rating without LMI support. This mitigates the downgrade risk owing to changes in ratings criteria. In contrast, other categories of RMBS issuers have continued to use LMI to support their structures, allowing them to achieve AAA-ratings on a larger share of their deals.

The RBA highlighted that “the risk management and valuation of ABS collateral is obviously an analytically intensive process, requiring considerable information about the security and the underlying assets. Over time we will further develop pricing and margins that reflect the specifics of the asset-backed security and its collateral pool. This could, for example, take the form of credit risk models of the collateral pool which take into account characteristics such as geographic concentrations, delinquencies and loan-to-value ratios. These collateral credit models will be combined with structural security models to calibrate margins specific to the security that reflect its projected behaviour under stress scenarios”.

Ratesetter P2P Launches In Australia

Ratesetter, a Peer To Peer Lender, has just launched in Australia.

“Redefining savings and loans in Australia. RateSetter connects lenders with creditworthy borrowers who want a simple, competitive personal loan. We are excited to be the first and only company in Australia to provide peer-to-peer lending to retail savers and investors. RateSetter is not a bank. RateSetter is part of a new generation of modern businesses, using technology to replace traditional middlemen and reduce the costs of providing financial services. We provide a transparent marketplace where lenders and borrowers, empowered by technology, can transact directly and share the benefits.

A peer-to-peer pioneer The RateSetter group in the United Kingdom was the first peer-to-peer lender globally to introduce the concept of a provision fund to help protect lenders from late borrower payments or default. This innovation represents a significant evolution in peer-to-peer lending. The money in the Provision Fund in Australia comes from borrowers, and is held on trust by an external trustee. Whilst the Provision Fund is not a guarantee or an insurance product, RateSetter Australia may make a claim on the Provision Fund on behalf of a lender in the event of a late borrower payment or default.

Regulated by ASIC RateSetter holds an Australian financial service licence and an Australian credit licence.”

RateSetter was founded in the United Kingdom in 2010 by ex-Lazard investment banker Rhydian Lewis and former Ashurst lawyer and RBS banker Peter Behrens. RateSetter has since attracted over 500,000 customer registrations and facilitated over $700 million in loans. RateSetter in the United Kingdom has been backed since the start of the company by private investors who have invested £8m of equity capital into the business. RateSetter in Australia is backed by RateSetter in the United Kingdom and other private investors. The launch of the Sydney office was kick-started with a $3.1m investment from local and international investors. RateSetter does not fund borrower loans. Rather, it is lenders who fund loans.

Ratesetter

According to their product disclosure document RateSetter Australia is not a bank and your investment is not a deposit and does not benefit from depositor protector laws as if would if it were an amount deposited with an Australian ADI. All loans made to borrowers are subject to the provisions of the National Consumer Credit Protection Act 2009 (NCCP) and its related regulation. Your investment may be impacted if a borrower to whom your funds are on loan exercises certain rights under the NCCP, including requesting a variation to loan payments due to hardship, the effect of which is that the term of your investment may be impacted. An investor can lend in four different lending markets, with indicative terms of 1 month, 1 year, 3 years and 5 years. If you lend in the 1 Month or 1 Year lending markets, your funds may need to remain on loan to a borrower beyond the indicative term, although in such circumstances you should continue to receive borrower payments. You choose how much you wish to invest, in which lending markets, and at what rates. Their peer-to-peer information technology systems automatically match your funds to the loans of borrowers that have met our loan underwriting requirements. Whilst they perform comprehensive borrower risk assessment and lend only to creditworthy Australia-resident borrowers, there may be differences in the creditworthiness of borrowers to whom your funds are matched to. They only approve loan applications from creditworthy Australia-resident individuals aged 24 or over. They do not lend to businesses.

Loans to borrowers are between $2,001 and $35,000, for terms from six months to five years. Borrowers have a legal obligation to repay their loan in broadly equal payments each month over the term of the loan, with payments comprising both interest and principal. All loans to borrowers are governed by a standard form loan contract. Loans are unsecured. If a borrower defaults on a loan, they or a nominated third party may undertake a number of actions to pursue payments, which may include appointing an external collections agency or taking recourse to available legal remedies, including where appropriate, court action.

When you make an order to lend money in a lending market, your order may be matched to a single loan or multiple loans. This will depend on the amount of your order, the time your order was made relative to other orders in that lending market and the number and amount of loans available to be funded in that lending market.

Each borrower’s loan is governed by a single loan contract. The parties to the loan are the borrower and the Custodian. You as lender (and also other lenders, to the extent the loan is funded by more than on lender) do not have a contract with the borrower. Rather, when your funds are on loan, your RateSetter Account is updated to reflect that you have an interest in the relevant loan, and your rights in respect of that loan are governed primarily by the Constitution and this PDS. Importantly, when your funds are matched to a loan, you have a direct economic interest in that loan, and your interest in that loan is not directly impacted by the performance of other loans. Ratesetter believe that this is an important feature of any peer-to-peer lending investment structure.

The Provision Fund is a pool of money funded by borrowers and held on trust by an external trustee. RateSetter Australia may make a claim on the Provision Fund in the event of a borrower late payment or default on a loan. Any amount paid from the Provision Fund is credited to the lenders who funded the loan, in proportion to the amount funded by each lender.

As we predicted P2P lending is emerging in Australia. How well it develops will be determined by performance and demand. Demand exists certainly, according to our recent surveys.

 

ASIC Seeks To Stop Property Promoter’s Unlicensed Financial Advice on SMSFs

ASIC has commenced proceedings in the Supreme Court of New South Wales seeking interim and final orders to prevent property investment promoter, Park Trent Properties Group Pty Ltd (Park Trent), from carrying on an unlicensed financial services business.

Park Trent’s business promotes the use of self-managed superannuation funds (SMSFs) to purchase investment property.

ASIC alleges and is seeking declarations that Park Trent is unlawfully carrying on a financial services business without an Australian financial services (AFS) licence.

ASIC understands that Park Trent has advised at least 500 members of the public to establish and switch funds into an SMSF which are then used to purchase investment properties that are owned or promoted by Park Trent companies.

ASIC is also seeking orders requiring Park Trent to notify current and former clients about the proceeding and to post a notice regarding ASIC’s proceeding on its website.

ASIC Commissioner Greg Tanzer said, ‘Collectively, Australians hold over $1.85 trillion worth of assets in superannuation funds, with $557 billion held in SMSFs. It is important when making decisions regarding superannuation to consider obtaining appropriate advice from an authorised financial adviser.

‘Dealing with an authorised adviser affords specific protections under the law, such as acting in the best interests of clients, a duty to avoid conflicts of interest and providing access to dispute resolution schemes.’

The first hearing of the matter is listed for 26 November 2014.

House Prices Rise Fast; Valued At $5.3 Trillion

The ABS released their latest Residential Property Prices series today. Prices continue to rise, and are high by any measure you care to look at. Preliminary estimates show that the price index for residential properties for the weighted average of the eight capital cities rose 1.5% in the September quarter 2014. The index rose 9.1% through the year to the September quarter 2014. The capital city residential property price indexes rose in Sydney (+2.7%), Melbourne (+1.0%), Brisbane (+1.0%), Adelaide (+1.0%), Hobart (+1.0%), Canberra (+0.3%) and Darwin (+0.3%) and fell in Perth (-0.1%). Annually, residential property prices rose in Sydney (+14.6%), Melbourne (+6.9%), Brisbane (+6.7%), Adelaide (+5.6%), Hobart (+4.3%), Perth (+3.7), Darwin (+3.4%), and Canberra (+2.4%).

PricesByStateSept2014EstablishedHousesByStateSept2014The total value of residential dwellings in Australia was $5,296,305.3m at the end of September quarter 2014, rising $99,578m over the quarter. The mean price of residential dwellings rose $8,300 and the number of residential dwellings rose by 37,700 in the September quarter 2014.

The average price in Sydney is above $700,000 (to March 2014), whereas in Tasmania its $250,000.

UnstratifiedPricesByRegionSept2014Also, we see that prices have risen faster in the Cities, compared with regional areas. Here is the data for Sydney and NSW. Actually, if you correct for inflation, prices beyond the main centres have gone sideways, or worse.

UnstratifiedPricesNSWSept2014

Over 50% Investment Loans In September

The latest ABS housing finance data to September 2014 has just been released. We broke more records, as more than half the loans written, excluding refinance, were for investment purposes.

LoanAnalysisSept2014

First time buyers continue to languish, especially in the hot Sydney market. Further evidence of the market being out of kilter, per the RBA’s recent comments. In seasonally adjusted terms, the total value of dwelling finance commitments excluding alterations and additions rose 2.3%.

HousingSept14-TypeSummaryIn original terms, the number of first home buyer commitments as a percentage of total owner occupied housing finance commitments rose to 12.0% in September 2014 from 11.8% in August 2014. Still near the lowest on record.

HousingSept14-FTBTrendNSW first time buyers continues at the lowest levels, though with a slight uplift this month. WA data flatters the Australia-wide averages for first time buyer finance. It is not just a Sydney thing.

HousingSept14-FTBStateTrendIn trend terms, the number of commitments for owner occupied housing finance fell 0.2% in September 2014. In trend terms, the number of commitments for the purchase of established dwellings fell 0.3%, while the number of commitments for the purchase of new dwellings rose 1.2% and the number of commitments for the construction of dwellings rose 0.2%.

HousingSept14-TypeTrendTrend

 

 

Banking Fees Cost $11.6 bn

We have updated our bank fee analysis, to take account of the 2013 data from the RBA. They collect fees data from 17 banks operating in Australia, covering over 90 per cent of total banking sector assets. Each bank provides data on income received over the financial year that is used as the basis for their public annual accounts. All fees are net of rebates and other concessions granted.

It does not include wealth management, broker, loan mortgage insurance, or other fees across financial services and the non-bank sector. The total reported in more than $11.6 bn, up 2.6% from 2012. Business fees grew at 2.8%, and Household fees at 2.3%. Business contributed around 65% of all fees in 2013.

Fees2013SplitsLooking at fees charged to households, we see total fees are below their 2009 peaks, when exception fees reach their highs, and before banking competition, led by nab initially, forced some fees down.

Fees2013HouseholdsTrendIn 2013, credit cards remains the single largest source of fees at 29%, with housing loans at 26% and transaction deposit accounts 22%.

Fees2013HouseholdsLooking at fees charged to businesses, we see a consistent rise. This is one reason why many small businesses continue to struggle.

Fees2013BusinessTrendIn 2013, 42% of fee income came from business loans, 30% from merchant service fees and 16% from other categories. Exception fees were around 1% of total business fees.

Fees2013Business

 

The RBA definitions are included below:

  • Deposit account fees comprise mainly account-servicing and transaction fees, but also fees for overdrawing the account.
  • Loans are either direct loans or accounts that have a facility to become overdrawn without penalty (particularly in the case of business loans). Loan account fees comprise mainly establishment and loan servicing fees.
  • ‘Credit card’ fees comprise mainly annual fees, but also include late payment, over-limit, cash advance and foreign-currency conversion fees.
  • ‘Other’ fees paid by households include fees from items such as travellers’ cheques, foreign currency transactions, and custodial services.
  • Fees from business also include fees and charges collected from government entities, including statutory authorities and corporatised bodies.
  • ‘Merchant fees’ include credit card and debit card fees charged to merchants, as well as non-transaction fees associated with the provision of terminal facilities.
  • ‘Bank bills’ fees include activation, application, commitment, drawdown, facility, late presentation, and line fees.
  • ‘Other’ business fees include export collections, foreign exchange guarantees, payroll service, safe custody and special clearance fees.
  • ‘Exception fees’ are those charged by the bank when the customer breaches the terms of a banking product, typically by making a late payment or exceeding a credit limit on a credit card or by overdrawing a deposit account.

A few observations. First the data is likely to understate the total fees being paid, as it relates to 90% of bank assets, and does not include the non bank sector, and other financial services categories. The average household will be paying more than $500 each year. We ran our international fee benchmarks, and discovered that total fee take is line ball with other similar markets, but we still have more fees active in Australia – more than 200 fee categories for households!

So banking fees is a nice little earner for the banks. The class action on late payment fees continues with attention being directed to nine banks – Westpac, Citibank, ANZ, CBA, NAB, St.George, BankSA, BankWest and AmericanExpress.

For comparison purposes, more than $18.6bn is charged by the wealth management sector, and $1.5bn by mortgage brokers.

APRA’s Stress Testing And Bank Optimism

APRA has released Wayne Byre’s speech at the ABF Randstad Leaders Lecture Series on Seeking strength in adversity: Lesson’s from APRA’s 2014 stress test on Australia’s largest banks.

He outlines the results of recent bank stress testing, with a focus on the exposure to mortgage lending. Essentially, the tests indicate that whilst capital buffers appear to be adequate, the assumptions made by the banks, in terms of raising further capital, and other mitigating factors may well be too optimistic. “Banks may well survive the stress, but that is not to say the system could sail through it with ease”.  The entire speech is worth reading, but I highlight some of his remarks.

Let me start by posing a question: are Australian banks adequately capitalised?

That’s a pretty important question, and one that the Financial System Inquiry is rightly focussed on. When compared against the Basel III capital requirements, they certainly seem to be. At end June 2014, the Common Equity Tier 1 ratio of the Australian banking system was 9.1 per cent, well above the APRA minimum requirement of 4.5 per cent currently in place, or 7.0 per cent when the capital conservation buffer comes into force in 2016. And in APRA’s view, after adjusting for differences in national application of the Basel standards, the largest Australian banks appear to be in the upper half of their global peers in terms of their capital strength. But the question remains: is that adequate?

There is no easy answer to that question. To answer it, you need to first answer another question: adequate for what?

Adequate to generate confidence is one simple answer. We require banks to have capital because they make their money by taking risks using other people’s money. That is not intended to sound improper; the financial intermediation provided by banks is critical to the efficient functioning of the economy. However, as very highly leveraged institutions at the centre of the financial system, investing in risky assets and offering depositors a capital guaranteed investment, we need confidence that banks can withstand periods of reasonable stress without jeopardising the interests of the broader community (except perhaps for their own shareholders). But what degree of confidence do we want?

Risk-based capital ratios are the traditional measure used to assess capital adequacy. Risk weights can be thought of as an indicator of likely loss on each asset on (and off) a bank’s balance sheet. So they tell us something about the maximum loss a bank can incur. But they don’t tell us anything about how likely, or under what scenario, those losses might eventuate.

Over the past decade, and particularly in the post-crisis period, regulators and banks have supplemented traditional measures of capital adequacy with stress testing. Stress testing helps provide a forward-looking view of resilience in a way in which static comparisons or benchmarks cannot. It provides an alternative lens through which the adequacy of capital can be assessed. In simple terms, it tries to answer the question: does a bank have enough capital to survive an adverse scenario – can we be confident it has strength in adversity?

Unsurprisingly, our stress test this year has targeted at risks in the housing market. The low risk nature of Australian housing portfolios has traditionally provided ballast for Australian banks – a steady income stream and low loss rates from housing loan books have helped keep the banks on a reasonably even keel, even when they are navigating otherwise stormy seas. But that does not mean that will always be the case. Leaving aside the current discussion of the state of the housing market, I want to highlight some key trends that demonstrate why housing risks and the capital strength of Australian banks are inextricably and increasingly intertwined.

Over the past ten years, the assets of Australian ADIs have grown from $1.5 trillion to $3.7 trillion. Over the same period, the paid-up capital and retained earnings have grown from $84 billion to $203 billion. Both have increased by almost identical amounts – close enough to 140 per cent each. This similarity in growth rates over the decade hides some divergent trends in individual years, but today the ratio of shareholders’ funds to the balance sheet assets of the Australian banking system – a simple measure of resilience – is virtually unchanged from a decade ago. Much of the recent build up in capital has simply reversed a decline in core equity in the pre-crisis period – as a result, on the whole we’re not that far from where we started from.

So how have regulatory capital ratios risen? Largely through changes in the composition of the asset side of the balance sheet. While the ratio of loans to assets has barely budged, the proportion of lending attributable to housing has increased from roughly 55 per cent to around 65 per cent today. Because housing loans are regarded as lower risk, the ratio of risk weighted assets to total (unweighted) assets has fallen quite noticeably – from 65 per cent to around 45 per cent. The impact of this trend is that, even though balance sheets have grown roughly in line with shareholders’ funds, risk-weighted assets have grown more slowly and regulatory capital ratios are correspondingly higher.

Results – Phase 1

In the first phase, banks projected a significant impact on profitability and marked declines in capital ratios in both scenarios, consistent with the deterioration in economic conditions. The stress impact on capital was driven by three principal forces: an increase in banks’ funding costs which reduced net interest income, growth in risk weighted assets as credit quality deteriorated, and of course, a substantial increase in credit losses as borrowers defaulted.  In aggregate, the level of credit losses projected by banks was comparable with the early 1990s recession in Australia, but unlike that experience, there were material losses on residential mortgages. This reflects the housing market epicentre of the scenarios, and also the increasing concentration of bank loan books on that single asset class. In each scenario, losses on residential mortgages totalled around $45 billion over a 5 year period, and accounted for a little under one-third of total credit losses. By international standards, this would be broadly in line with the 3 per cent loss rate for mortgages experienced in the UK in the early 1990s, but lower than in Ireland (5 per cent) and the United States (7 per cent) in recent years. In other words, banks’ modelling predicts housing losses would certainly be material, but not of the scale seen overseas.

Stress testing on this core portfolio is an imprecise art, given the lack of domestic stress data to model losses on. Beneath the aggregate results, there was a wide range of loss estimates produced by banks’ internal models. This variation applies both to the projections for the number of loans that would default, and the losses that would emerge if they did. Our view was that there seemed to be a greater range than differences in underlying risk are likely to imply.  Another key area where there were counter-intuitive results was from the modelling of the impact of higher interest rates on borrowers’ ability to meet mortgage repayments. Banks typically projected little differentiation in borrower default rates between the two scenarios, despite the very different paths of interest rates and implied borrowing costs. This raises the question whether banks could be underestimating the potential losses that could stem from sharply rising interest rates in the scenario. In the current low interest rate environment, this is a key area in which banks need to further develop their analytical capabilities.

Phase 2

The results in the second phase of the stress test, based on APRA estimates of stress loss, produced a similar message on overall capital loss – although the distribution across banks differed from Phase 1 as more consistent loss estimates were applied. Aggregate losses over the five years totalled around $170 billion under each scenario. Housing losses under Scenario A were $49 billion; they were $57 billion under Scenario B.

These aggregate losses produced a material decline in the capital ratio of the banking system. The key outcomes were:

  • Starting the scenario at 8.9 per cent, the aggregate Common Equity Tier 1 (CET1) ratio of the participant banks fell under Scenario A to a trough of  5.8 per cent in the second year of the crisis (that is, there was a decline of 3.1 percentage points), before slowly recovering after the peak of the losses had passed.
  • From the same starting point, under Scenario B the trough was 6.3 per cent, and experienced in the third year.
  • The ratios for Tier 1 and Total Capital followed a similar pattern as CET1 under both scenarios.
  • At an individual bank level there was a degree of variation in the peak-to trough fall in capital ratios, but importantly all remained above the minimum CET1 capital requirement of 4.5 per cent.

This broad set of results should not really be a surprise. It reflects the strengthening in capital ratios at an industry level over the past five years. But nor should it lead to complacency. Almost all banks projected that they would fall well into the capital conservation buffer range and would therefore be severely constrained on paying dividends and/or bonuses in both scenarios. For some banks, the conversion of Additional Tier 1 instruments would have been triggered as losses mounted. More generally, and even though CET1 requirements were not breached, it is unlikely that Australia would have the fully-functioning banking system it would like in such an environment. Banks with substantially reduced capital ratios would be severely constrained in their ability to raise funding (both in availability and pricing), and hence in their ability to advance credit. In short, we would have survived the stress, but the aftermath might not be entirely comfortable.
Recovery planning.

The aggregate results I have just referred to assume limited management action to avert or mitigate the worst aspects of the scenario. This is, of course, unrealistic: management would not just sit on their hands and watch the scenario unfold. As part of Phase 2, APRA also asked participating banks to provide results that included mitigating actions they envisaged taking in response to the stress. The scale of capital losses in the scenarios highlights the importance of these actions, to rebuild and maintain investor and depositor confidence if stressed conditions were to emerge.

This was an area of the stress test that was not completed, in our view, with entirely convincing answers. In many cases, there was clear evidence of optimism in banks’ estimates of the beneficial impact of some mitigating actions, including for example on cost-cutting or the implications of repricing loans. The feedback loops from these steps, such as a drop in income commensurate with a reduction in costs, or increase in bad debts as loans become more expensive for borrowers, were rarely appropriately considered.

Despite the commonality of actions assumed by banks, there was variation in the speed and level of capital rebuild targeted. Some banks projected quick and material rebuilds in their capital positions, after only a small “dip” into the capital conservation range. Other banks assumed that they would remain within the range for a long period of time. It is far from clear that a bank could reasonably operate in such an impaired state for such a length of time and still maintain market confidence.

Disappointingly, there was a only a very light linkage between the mitigating actions proposed by banks in the stress test and their recovery plans (or “living wills”), with loose references rather than comprehensive use. Recovery plans should have provided banks with ready-made responses with which to answer this aspect of the stress test. APRA will be engaging with banks following the stress test to review and improve this area of crisis preparedness.

Most importantly, the exercise also raised questions around the combined impact of banks’ responses. For example, proposed equity raisings, a cornerstone action in most plans, appeared reasonable in isolation – but may start to test the brink of market capacity when viewed in combination and context. The tightening of underwriting standards, another common feature, could have the potential to lead to a simultaneous contraction in lending and reduction in collateral values, complicating and delaying the economic recovery as we have seen in recent years in other jurisdictions. In other words, banks may well survive the stress, but that is not to say the system could sail through it with ease.

Concluding comments

To sum up, the Australian banking industry appears reasonably resilient to the immediate impacts of a severe downturn impacting the housing market. That is good news. But a note of caution is also needed – this comes with a potentially significant capital cost and with question marks over the ease of the recovery. The latter aspect is just as important as the former: if the system doesn’t have sufficient resilience to quickly bounce back from shocks, it risks compounding the shocks being experienced. Our conclusion is, therefore, that there is scope to further improve the resilience of the system.

 

Why Mortgage Loans Are Growing Slower Than House Prices

The RBA, in today’s monetary statement discusses the relationship between loan growth and house prices. They conclude that factors including fear of unemployment, low supply, high loan to income ratios and stamp duty are all contributing factors, as well as price hikes themselves.

Indicators of conditions in the established housing market, such as housing prices, housing turnover and new borrowing, are interrelated and often move together quite closely (Graph A1). However, in recent years, housing turnover and loan approvals have risen by less than housing prices when compared with previous cycles in the housing market.

RBAA1

Turnover and loan approvals are closely linked. Each new housing loan represents a new transaction in the housing market (as long as it is not used to refinance an existing property or construct a new dwelling). Hence, the value of new borrowing will grow at about the same rate as the value of turnover as long as the average loan-to-valuation ratio does not change too much. In Australia, it turns out that the relationship between new borrowing and turnover has been quite stable for the past decade or so (Graph A2).

RBAA2

Housing prices and turnover might move together over time for a number of reasons, although the relationship may not be quite as tight as that between turnover and loan approvals (and it is possible for prices to rise with only limited turnover). One strand of research has found that an increase in housing prices causes an increase in turnover because higher housing prices increase the net wealth of homeowners. This allows those owners who did not previously have a large enough deposit to trade up to a more expensive dwelling, thereby increasing turnover. A complementary strand of research has found that the causality can also run in the other direction, from turnover to housing prices.

It suggests that some vendors might discern a rise in housing demand by observing a rise in turnover, thereby encouraging them to raise their reserve prices.

Turnover and housing price growth have moved together over time, although the relationship appears to have weakened somewhat in recent years. The change is most evident in Sydney and Melbourne, where growth in housing prices has been strongest of late (Graph A3). The rate of turnover has remained low in those cities, both in terms of their longer-term averages and relative to growth in housing prices.

RBAA3

It is difficult to know why the turnover rate has remained relatively low compared with its history and compared with prices. There is tentative evidence to suggest that existing homeowners have become more reluctant to borrow against increases in their net wealth to trade up homes. For example, the survey of Household Income and Labour Dynamics in Australia (HILDA) suggests that in 2011 and 2012 (the two most recent survey years) a smaller share of households bought larger homes than in any of the previous nine survey years. Also, there has been unusually low participation of owner-occupiers in housing market transactions recently (Graph A4). The reasons are not clear, although it partly reflects the fact that state government incentives for first home buyers have been redirected away from established dwellings towards new dwellings.

RBAA4

One possibility is that a reluctance to trade up homes reflects households generally becoming less willing to take on additional debt in recent years. Following the increase in leverage over the 1990s and early 2000s, the debt-to-income ratio has been stable at high levels. Although interest rates are currently low, the expected repayment burden on loans is at 10-year average levels, when calculated using a longer term interest rate to account for the expectation that variable interest rates will move up over time. Indeed, in New South Wales and Victoria, which have experienced the greatest disparity between housing prices and turnover relative to historical norms, the share of current income required to service an average loan over the next 10 years is close to historical highs.

Another consideration is that homeowners may be less willing to borrow more because growth in labour income has slowed. Nominal labour income has grown at an average annual rate of 2.7 per cent over the past two years, compared with a decade average of 6.2 per cent. And the widespread expectation is that wage growth will remain subdued for a time. Moreover, the Westpac-Melbourne Institute survey suggests that the share of households expecting more unemployment a year ahead has been at above-average levels since late 2011, which is an unusually long time by the historical standards of the survey.

Repayment obligations, in combination with uncertainty about future labour income, are an important consideration for homeowners. According to liaison with banks, one consequence of this environment is that an increasing share of owner occupiers is opting for interest-only loans to increase repayment flexibility.

A reluctance to trade up homes might also stem from increases in effective stamp duty rates. In some states, including New South Wales and Victoria, the nominal housing price thresholds at which higher rates of stamp duty apply have not changed for a number of years. As housing prices have risen, more buyers have fallen into the higher stamp duty brackets, acting as a disincentive to purchase housing. In New South Wales, for instance, the stamp duty paid on a median-priced home has grown to around 25 per cent of annual disposable income per household, from close to 10 per cent in 1991.

Finally, the relationship between turnover and housing prices can be affected by developments in housing supply. Additions to the housing stock have been relatively low in some states over recent years, which would weigh on the rate of turnover as it is currently measured, while low supply relative to demand would also put upward pressure on prices.

 

Unemployment – State Trends – ABS

The ABS data for October includes state by state splits, which when analysed highlight some interesting trends. Tasmania has the highest rate, though it has been coming down lately. SA is also high, but reducing a little. QLD and VIC appear to march in step, but both moving up. NSW, which lifted earlier in the year, appears to be levelling out, in line with the recent economic rebound. WA continues to rise a little, from a lower base in 2012, the peak of the mining boom.  NT rates are low, and in the ACT we see a significant trend shift up (though on small numbers), reflecting reduced numbers of civil servants. Cross state averages hide these important differences.

Unemployment-Rate-State-Oct-2014

 

Unemployment Rate Steady – ABS

The latest data from the ABS was released today, providing an updated view of unemployment.  The underlying trends remain, despite the fact that the seasonality of the labour force data has been re-estimated with specific adjustments made for the changed pattern of supplementary surveys. These adjustments have been applied to the seasonally adjusted series from December 2013 onwards.

Based on trend estimates:

  • Employment increased to 11,589,000 from a revised September 2014 estimate.
  • Unemployment increased to 768,700.
  • Unemployment rate remained steady at 6.2% from a revised September 2014 estimate.
  • Participation rate remained steady at 64.6%.
  • Aggregate monthly hours worked increased 0.4 million hours to 1,607.9 million hours.

Seasonally Adjusted:

  • Employment increased 24,100 to 11,592,200 from a revised September 2014 estimate. Full-time employment increased 33,400 to 8,058,500 and part-time employment decreased 9,400 to 3,533,700.
  • Unemployment increased 7,100 to 772,100. The number of unemployed persons looking for full-time work decreased 10,900 to 532,100 and the number of unemployed persons only looking for part-time work increased 18,100 to 240,000.
  • Unemployment rate remained at 6.2% from a revised September 2014 estimate.

Unemployment-Rate-Oct-2014

  • Participation rate increased 0.1 pts to 64.6%.

Participation-Rate-Oct-2014

  • Aggregate monthly hours worked increased 24.9 million hours (1.6%) to 1 ,614.4 million hours.