Mortgage Stress Falls As Rates Are Cut

We have run our mortgage stress models, using data from our latest household surveys. At the moment, 21.73% of households are in difficulty (a fall thanks to lower rates from last years), though some locations and segments are above 30%. You can read about how we calculate mortgage stress in the Anatomy of Mortgage Stress.

Households in stress are having to cut back spending, are likely to be putting more on credit cards, will have refinanced to reduce payments, may be in arrears, or are taking to a broker about refinancing.  The stress model has been updated with the latest survey data, and recent mortgage repricing. This covers owner occupied loans only. In our experience, stressed households, in a flat income environment do not recover, and grind on into greater difficulty later – also of course they are very exposed should rates rise.

Our first chart shows the proportion of households in stress by age of loan. (Of course most loans are just a few years old, so there are more households in recent years. We still see the impact of high first time buyer volumes in 2010 flowing though to higher stress levels, still.

Stress-June-2016-By-Loan-Age

Stress is not just the domain of the young. In fact proportionally, older households with loans are more likely to be stressed – though the numbers with a mortgage are much lower – this is because incomes are squeezed, and households have outstanding mortgages for longer.

Stress-Aged-June-2016

Our master household segmentation shows that younger families, and disadvantaged households are more likely to be in stress. The affluent are least impacted.

Segment-Stress-Data-June-2016

Finally, we have a view by state and region. There are considerable differences across the states and by location. Again, this does not show the relative count by area, but remember half of all loans reside in NSW and VIC.

Stress-Regions-June-2016Overall we conclude that the cash rate cuts and deep discounts on refinanced loans have eased the pain for many households, despite static incomes. This chimes with recent improved household finance confidence levels.

Provided rates stay low, or go lower, stress levels will remain contained provided employment rates do not rise. Of course the real killer would be interest rate rises. But we are now not expecting lifts in rates anytime soon.

Why an apartment bust could prove calamitous

From The New Daily.

Go into the city at night and turn your eyes upward. The dark eyes of city apartment towers stare back. Night after night, it’s the same – some windows never brighten. Nobody is there to flick the light switch because the apartments are empty. Water usage statistics confirm it – 7 per cent of apartments in certain high-density city areas lie vacant according to one estimate.

It is not clear exactly how many vacant properties are the possession of overseas investors keen to park money in a safe place, but anecdotal evidence suggests they are a big contributor to the phenomenon. Vacant apartments are a danger to us all. They are like little pockets of combustible material that could turn a bit of smouldering at the edges of the apartment market into a consuming fire that damages the whole housing market and the whole economy.

Empty vessels make the most sound

An apartment left vacant is a particular kind of investment. One where the investor doesn’t need cash flow, but wants to grow – or at least maintain – their capital investment. It is selected because it seems safe. So far, that assumption has been a good one. Apartment prices have risen alongside Australia’s house prices.

house and apartment pricesBut if apartment prices fall, people who invested in vacant apartments will have reason to second-guess. Why, they may ask, am I keeping my money in a losing bet? Vacant apartments are easy to put on the market – you don’t need to move, or even evict tenants. You just call your real estate agent. If the apartment market were ever to fall, vacant apartments could accelerate that movement.

But why would they even?

There is a good argument Australia needs apartments. We are quarter-acre obsessed even as our cities grow too large to adequately function. For a long time we were building too few. Hence the steady price rises that have only been exacerbated by interest rates at very low levels. But the rise in prices has inspired developers to go crazy. These next charts shows approvals in Sydney and Brisbane. The change in the preferred type is obvious and severe.
qld houses vs appartmentsnsw houses and apartmentsIs it possible we might not just catch up with demand for apartments, but exceed it? One might want to hope the discipline of a free market would ensure the apartment market doesn’t wobble. Bad news – even the head of the RBA Financial Stability Department, Lucy Ellis, thinks otherwise.

“Just as there’s a Greater Fool Theory of investment that helps perpetuate booms in prices of financial assets, it sometimes seems that there is a Slower Builder Theory of property development, where everyone knows that not all the projects underway will make money but yours will if you can just complete it before the other guys complete theirs.”

Many builders rushing their buildings to completion would only exacerbate any price fall. In bad news for developers still in the hard-hat stage, there are hints apartments may already be more numerous than the market can stomach. According to reports in the financial press, some apartments bought off the plan in Melbourne are selling for hundreds of thousands of dollars less than they were bought for, while owners are raising sales commissions to help clear excess stock in other towers.

RBA Governor Glenn Stevens made explicit mention of apartments last time the central bank cut rates, suggesting the bank doubted overall dwelling prices would rise much longer because “considerable supply of apartments is scheduled to come on stream over the next couple of years”.

The number of units under construction is startling.
units under constructionSafe as houses …

Don’t think house owners can just watch apartment prices fall and not get singed. The two markets are linked and an apartment glut can lead to a house price fall. This might be what the OECD was talking about when it said: “The unwinding of housing-market tensions to date may presage dramatic and destabilising developments.” But if a destabilising house price wreck happens we shouldn’t look up at those unoccupied apartments and blame their owners. We should blame ourselves for letting it happen.

Jason Murphy is an economist and journalist who has worked at Federal Treasury and the Australian Financial Review. His Twitter handle is @jasemurphy and he blogs about economics at Thomas The Think Engine.

Our cities will stop working without a decent national housing policy

From The Conversation.

We have to move the housing conversation beyond a game of political football about negative-gearing winners and losers. Australia needs a bipartisan, long-term, housing policy. Why? Because we have a slow-burn, deepening crisis that is affecting Australians who are already highly vulnerable and disadvantaged. They include:

The UN Rapporteur on Human Rights, following a visit in 2007, concluded that Australia was failing to deliver the fundamental human right of adequate housing because of the lack of any co-ordinated national strategy. Nothing has changed since 2007.

A failure to join the dots of housing policy

Our cities will stop working if we do not do something. A decent long-term housing policy is not just about the million or so Australians who are in housing need, marginal housing or homeless. In reality, housing demand and supply for all tenures is intricately connected.

Failed first-time buyers rent privately, increasing demand and rent levels. This pushes lower-income families towards social housing waiting lists and, at the end of the queue, those on marginal incomes are more likely to experience homelessness. Investors push out would-be home buyers by leveraging generous tax breaks that are not available to renters who are saving up to buy.

Rental affordability is worsening, including for key workers in our cities. First-time buyers are having difficulty entering an overheated market. We face the prospect of a permanent “generation rent”.

Changes in the value of new lending, 2008-2016

Changes in the value of new lending to investors, first-home buyers and subsequent buyers from December 2008 to March 2016. CoreLogic, ABS

More than 40% of people in private rental pay more than 30% of their income for housing – and this is after taking into account Commonwealth Rent Assistance. The 30% threshold is generally recognised as the level at which financial stress is experienced.

While states and territories have a wealth of experience and a clear role in delivery, the fact is the Commonwealth government must take a leadership role in co-ordinating national housing policy and connected programs across the four sectors of our housing system: home ownership; affordable private rental; social housing; and specific housing for Aboriginal, disability and homelessness needs.

It can be done; it has been done before. In 1945, Australia also faced a housing crisis. Despite skills and materials shortages and the financial difficulties of the post-war economy, the Commonwealth built 670,000 homes in ten years.

Decent housing underpins jobs, growth and productivity. Well-located, affordable housing is critical for preventative health, to provide a stable home environment for education and self-confidence, and for a productive workforce.

We need a national program of home building to meet the shortfall in all forms of housing. While this will not in itself resolve all problems, it is critical to a successful housing policy.

How much will it cost and where’s the money?

This is the subject of a new research report, Towards a National Housing Strategy, by Compass Housing working with a group of peak bodies, housing academics and community housing providers.

The Ache for Home report lays out a plan for a $10 billion social and affordable housing fund. St Vincent de Paul

To get the long-term benefits of decent housing, we must recognise that providing this has an up-front cost and we are in a tight fiscal environment. The Ache for Home Report estimates a A$10 billion housing bond could meet the needs of the 100,000 currently homeless people. Across all tenures, Australia could build 500,000 homes in ten years for an annual investment of $12.5 billion.

Even if the Commonwealth government took full responsibility for funding a national building program of such scale, the annual investment would equate to less than one-fifth of the current annual cost of capital gains (CGT) exemption on the main residence. The bonus of investment on such a scale could be the boost to the wider economy in which each $1 spent on construction created a $1.30 gain.

A national housing strategy would need to do two key things to raise the cash needed:

  • rebalance current tax settings to redirect money to where it is most needed; and
  • revise fiscal settings to attract more private capital into housing.

Innovative financial models have been developed internationally that can bring private finance to the table. The development of an arm’s length, government-funded financial intermediary to provide loan guarantees within a housing bond approach is one model with merit. It is used in the UK, the US and Europe.

Rebalancing subsidy arrangements across housing sectors means ring-fencing current housing support and redirecting it across the housing system. Reforms of capital gains tax exemptions and discounts, as well as negative-gearing concessions, are contentious, but are levers to improve housing supply.

CGT exemptions for the main residence cost taxpayers $54 billion in 2014-15. Nearly 90% of the benefit went to the top 50% of earners. And the costs are increasing. The CGT discount of 50% on capital gains, including investment properties, will cost $121 billion by 2018-19.

Negative gearing amounts to an average saving of $2,900 per year for the 1.2 million who claim. However, its impact on the budget means it costs the remaining Australians $310 per year each in tax that they would not otherwise need to pay.

Across these subsidies alone, a modest redirection would provide for a significant start-up fund for affordable housing, to be leveraged with private investment funds.

A national bipartisan approach would allow an independent review of all subsidies and recommend rebalancing options. It could also ease financial stress in the private rental sector by examining the current caps and levels of Commonwealth Rent Assistance to improve prospects for the many families where renting is a lifetime housing solution.

Without a national, integrated approach to housing, Australia will by default continue the mistakes associated with seeing the four sectors of the housing continuum as discrete and conditioned by different factors.

Authors: Ralph Horn, Deputy Pro Vice Chancellor, Research & Innovation; Director of UNGC Cities Programme; Professor, RMIT University;  David Adamson, Emeritus Professor: Social and Community Policy, The University of South Wales

 

More Mining Jobs To Go In The West

Research by National Australia Bank indicates that Australia is about half way though the fall in mining investment. They estimate that 46,000 mining related jobs have already been lost since 2012 and another 50,000 will go as mining-related activity rotates from construction to operations, where a smaller work force is needed.

The note says that the bulk of the fall will likely occur in WA, because of the state’s lack of employment diversity, though some will also be cut in QLD. Jobs in other industries will take up some of the slack, but the net reduction in employment is expected to be quite stark.

We expect some households to come under more intense financial pressure as a result, with an impact of home values and higher mortgage default rates, especially in some regional centres in WA and QLD.

Sydney’s wild weather shows home-owners are increasingly at risk

Last week we highlighted the timely new report from the Climate Institute, which warned of the consequences of more violent weather on property for owners and their bankers. Just five days before the super storm hit!

From The Conversation.

Eastern Australia’s wild weather has left coastal homes teetering on the brink of collapse, and has eroded beaches by up to 50m in parts of Sydney.

Now the attention turns to the clean-up. There are several legal issues for owners of damaged properties, particularly the question of if and how they can be compensated.

While the recent events cannot be attributed directly to climate change, they are certainly consistent with a warming world. Our institutions are ill-prepared for a potential increase in the frequency and severity of such events.

Insurance

Unfortunately, the success of insurance claims for damaged homes in Sydney will depend entirely on the terms of their policies. Some policies don’t cover erosion at all. Some policies only cover it if it occurs within a certain proximity of another insured event (for example, within 48 hours of a named storm event). Some policies also comprehensively exclude coverage for damage caused by actions of the sea.

What’s more, while insurance will cover damage to buildings, policies do not extend to cover damage to or loss of land. This is especially problematic in the case of damage caused by waves and storms, because erosion will often result in loss of land.

Under the traditional law doctrine, where land is lost to erosion, the Crown automatically gains title to the inundated land, without any obligation to pay compensation. So even if a home-owner is insured, they may find themselves with no land to rebuild on.

Legal proceedings

Another potential avenue for home-owners to pursue is proceedings against the relevant local government for negligent approval of development. The success of this type of proceeding is highly speculative – much will hinge upon when the development was approved and how much information on the coastal hazards was available at that time.

Where development was approved decades ago, it may be difficult to prove that a local government was negligent, because of the limited state of knowledge at the time. In the case of more recent development approvals, there may be an argument that a local government had a high level of knowledge of the risk and control of risk information. These are the type of factors a court will look at in assessing negligence.

On the flip side, a court may also find that a landholder knew of and accepted the risk. Negligence proceedings are by no means a guaranteed avenue for landholders to recoup their loss, but are an avenue that Collaroy landholders may be able to explore.

Disaster assistance

Where insurance is not available, and there are no strict legal rights against government, landholders may request disaster relief or assistance from government.

Despite the lack of any legal compulsion to do so, Australian governments have a long history of providing disaster relief to citizens when an extreme weather event causes property damage.

A recent Productivity Commission report estimated that, over the past decade, the federal government spent A$8 billion on post-disaster relief and recovery. State governments spent a further A$5.6 billion.

However, the availability and amount of a payment are not guaranteed. This may depend upon the number of other claims for assistance, and any other demands on government resources. A claim for disaster relief from government may be an option for Collaroy landholders, but many other home-owners are also affected by flooding due to the recent extreme weather – and so potentially there are many other requests for relief.

What should we learn from this event for the future?

While the pictures of houses being lost to the sea in Collaroy are confronting, these images may become more commonplace. The most recent scientific report from the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change suggests that, under a business-as-usual scenario, a global sea-level rise in the range of 0.53-0.97m by 2100 is likely.

Even if emissions are immediately reduced, a global sea-level rise of 0.28-0.60m by 2100 is still possible. This will be especially problematic in Australia, with an estimated 711,000 residential addresses located within 3km of the shore and less than 6m above sea level – not to mention the billions of dollars’ worth of government infrastructure also located in these regions.

As sea levels rise, some properties may be permanently inundated. Others may be hit by storm surge impacts or erosion, which may be exacerbated by sea-level rise.

If these events continue to attract disaster relief, the financial burden will become too great for governments to bear. Furthermore, government disaster assistance does not solve the more intractable problem of land being lost to the sea.

The pictures from Collaroy should therefore prompt a discussion about how we, as a society, can deal with the potential impacts of coastal hazards on existing developments.

This is a challenging question to answer, but there is an opportunity to address it in a planned and co-ordinated fashion.

Author: Justine Bell-James, Lecturer in Law, The University of Queensland

Limiting access to payday loans may do more harm than good

From The US Conversation.

One of the few lending options available to the poor may soon evaporate if a new rule proposed June 2 goes into effect.

The Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB) announced the rule with the aim of eliminating what it called “debt traps” caused by the US$38.5 billion payday loan market.

But will it?

What’s a payday loan?

The payday loan market, which emerged in the 1990s, involves storefront lenders providing small loans of a few hundred dollars for one to two weeks for a “fee” of 15 percent to 20 percent. For example, a loan of $100 for two weeks might cost $20. On an annualized basis, that amounts to an interest rate of 520 percent.

In exchange for the cash, the borrower provides the lender with a postdated check or debit authorization. If a borrower is unable to pay at the end of the term, the lender might roll over the loan to another paydate in exchange for another $20.

Thanks to their high interest, short duration and fact that one in five end up in default, payday loans have long been derided as “predatory” and “abusive,” making them a prime target of the CFPB since the bureau was created by the Dodd-Frank Act in 2011.

States have already been swift to regulate the industry, with 16 and Washington, D.C., banning them outright or imposing caps on fees that essentially eliminate the industry. Because the CFPB does not have authority to cap fees that payday lenders charge, their proposed regulations focus on other aspects of the lending model.

Under the proposed changes announced last week, lenders would have to assess a borrower’s ability to repay, and it would be harder to “roll over” loans into new ones when they come due – a process which leads to escalating interest costs.

There is no question that these new regulations will dramatically affect the industry. But is that a good thing? Will the people who currently rely on payday loans actually be better off as a result of the new rules?

In short, no: The Wild West of high-interest credit products that will result is not beneficial for low-income consumers, who desperately need access to credit.

I’ve been researching payday loans and other alternative financial services for 15 years. My work has focused on three questions: Why do people turn to high-interest loans? What are the consequences of borrowing in these markets? And what should appropriate regulation look like?

One thing is clear: Demand for quick cash by households considered high-risk to lenders is strong. Stable demand for alternative credit sources means that when regulators target and rein in one product, other, loosely regulated and often-abusive options pop up in its place. Demand does not simply evaporate when there are shocks to the supply side of credit markets.

This regulatory whack-a-mole approach which moves at a snail’s pace means lenders can experiment with credit products for years, at the expense of consumers.

Who gets a payday loan

About 12 million mostly lower-income people use payday loans each year. For people with low incomes and low FICO credit scores, payday loans are often the only (albeit very expensive) way of getting a loan.

My research lays bare the typical profile of a consumer who shows up to borrow on a payday loan: months or years of financial distress from maxing out credit cards, applying for and being denied secured and unsecured credit, and failing to make debt payments on time.

Perhaps more stark is what their credit scores look like: Payday applicants’ mean credit scores were below 520 at the time they applied for the loan, compared with a U.S. average of just under 700.

Given these characteristics, it is easy to see that the typical payday borrower simply does not have access to cheaper, better credit.

Borrowers may make their first trip to the payday lender out of a rational need for a few bucks. But because these borrowers typically owe up to half of their take-home pay plus interest on their next payday, it is easy to see how difficult it will be to pay in full. Putting off full repayment for a future pay date is all too tempting, especially when you consider that the median balance in a payday borrowers’ checking accounts was just $66.

The consequences of payday loans

The empirical literature measuring the welfare consequences of borrowing on a payday loan, including my own, is deeply divided.

On the one hand, I have found that payday loans increase personal bankruptcy rates. But I have also documented that using larger payday loans actually helped consumers avoid default, perhaps because they had more slack to manage their budget that month.

In a 2015 article, I along with two co-authors analyzed payday lender data and credit bureau files to determine how the loans affect borrowers, who had limited or no access to mainstream credit with severely weak credit histories. We found that the long-run effect on various measures of financial well-being such as their credit scores was close to zero, meaning on average they were no better or worse off because of the payday loan.

Other researchers have found that payday loans help borrowers avoid home foreclosures and help limit certain economic hardships.

It is therefore possible that even in cases where the interest rates reach as much as 600 percent, payday loans help consumers do what economists call “smoothing” over consumption by helping them manage their cash flow between pay periods.

In 2012, I reviewed the growing body of microeconomic evidence on borrowers’ use of payday loans and considered how they might respond to a variety of regulatory schemes, such as outright bans, rate caps and restrictions on size, duration or rollover renewals.

I concluded that among all of the regulatory strategies that states have implemented, the one with a potential benefit to consumers was limiting the ease with which the loans are rolled over. Consumers’ failure to predict or prepare for the escalating cycle of interest payments leads to welfare-damaging behavior in a way that other features of payday loans targeted by lawmakers do not.

In sum, there is no doubt that payday loans cause devastating consequences for some consumers. But when used appropriately and moderately – and when paid off promptly – payday loans allow low-income individuals who lack other resources to manage their finances in ways difficult to achieve using other forms of credit.

End of the industry?

The Consumer Financial Protection Bureau’s changes to underwriting standards – such as the requirement that lenders verify borrowers’ income and confirm borrowers’ ability to repay – coupled with new restrictions on rolling loans over will definitely shrink the supply of payday credit, perhaps to zero.

The business model relies on the stream of interest payments from borrowers unable to repay within the initial term of the loan, thus providing the lender with a new fee each pay cycle. If and when regulators prohibit lenders from using this business model, there will be nothing left of the industry.

The alternatives are worse

So if the payday loan market disappears, what will happen to the people who use it?

Because households today face stagnant wages while costs of living rise, demand for small-dollar loans is strong.

Consider an American consumer with a very common profile: a low-income, full-time worker with a few credit hiccups and little or no savings. For this individual, an unexpectedly high utility bill, a medical emergency or the consequences of a poor financial decision (that we all make from time to time) can prompt a perfectly rational trip to a local payday lender to solve a shortfall.

We all procrastinate, struggle to save for a rainy day, try to keep up with the Joneses, fail to predict unexpected bills and bury our head in the sand when things get rough.

These inveterate behavioral biases and systematic budget imbalances will not cease when the new regulations take effect. So where will consumers turn once payday loans dry up?

Alternatives that are accessible to the typical payday customer include installment loans and flex loans (which are a high-interest revolving source of credit similar to a credit card but without the associated regulation). These forms of credit can be worse for consumers than payday loans. A lack of regulation means their contracts are less transparent, with hidden or confusing fee structures that result in higher costs than payday loans.

Oversight of payday loans is necessary, but enacting rules that will decimate the payday loan industry will not solve any problems. Demand for small, quick cash is not going anywhere. And because the default rates are so high, lenders are unwilling to supply short-term credit to this population without big benefits (i.e., high interest rates).

Consumers will always find themselves short of cash occasionally. Low-income borrowers are resourceful, and as regulators play whack-a-mole and cut off one credit option, consumers will turn to the next best thing, which is likely to be a worse, more expensive alternative.

Author: Paige Marta Skiba, Professor of Law, Vanderbilt University

Cutting through political spin requires a new approach to financial literacy

From The Conversation.

When Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull attempted to defend negative gearing by explaining that it had allowed a baby to enter the housing market, he triggered a debate still raging on the facts of the issue.

The minutiae of negative gearing, once largely confined to discussion among policy experts, became mainstream news.

The Project’s Waleed Aly joined in, giving a compelling analysis of the need for tax reform for a more equitable Australia. Cutting to the chase, Waleed described a situation where “the cost of the average house is roughly 4.3 times household income.”

https://youtu.be/sa2XO5Jn2K0

Waleed Aly explains why negative gearing should be abolished.

Aly’s well-executed explanation reminds us that making sense of policy requires motivation, economic and financial knowledge, and a range of capabilities.

Aly demonstrates this motivation in an accessible way. He shows that he has read and watched others’ analysis of economic issues. He is curious and asks questions, including “What does this mean for me?”. He can apply financial mathematics. He demonstrates critical thinking about political spin. He shows skillful communication about his experiences and views. Further, he demonstrates that he is ethically oriented to a more equitable Australia.

Most of us know changes being made to tax and super are important. But let’s face it, this stuff makes our eyes glaze over. And sometimes our financial literacy is tested.

The role of financial literacy

In Australia, low socioeconomic status and low financial literacy tend to go hand in hand – among both adults and teenagers. Those who struggle with financial literacy surveys are typically cast as needing more financial knowledge.

But having a limited level of education doesn’t necessarily mean someone has a low financial literacy. Take father of two Duncan Storrar who appeared on Q&A last week and introduced himself as having “a disability and a low education”. Storrar questioned the government’s move to lift the upper end of the 32.5 cent tax bracket from $80,000 to $87,000. But when Innes Willox from the Australian Industry Group said those on the minimum wage don’t pay much tax, Storrar quickly replied, “I pay tax every time I go to the supermarket”.

Behavioural economists tell us that financial problem-solving and decision-making may depend as much on values, expectations, emotions and notions of control and confidence about money than knowledge. This means that your family and socioeconomic background is powerfully influential and teaching and learning about money can be values-laden. So it doesn’t matter how old those needing to improve their financial literacy are – crafting relevant and meaningful financial literacy lessons is by no means easy.

So, what is the best approach?

The answer depends on who you ask. Financial experts generally suggest teaching responsible money management, including budgeting and saving. Going back to Malcolm Turnbull and Waleed Aly, Turnbull wants us to believe that with the right parents, financial advice and greater discipline, we might all have not one, but two or more properties. Akin to the weight-loss movement, this plays on our emotional attachment to a particular dream and provides an incentive to do more to keep track of our money.

By contrast, educational experts tend to see things differently. Aly seems to have knowledge and capabilities that are desirable, teachable, and transferable to a range of “real world” problems. He embodies what it means to be financially literate to the extent that he brings a range of capabilities to making sense of his everyday financial reality within a complex financial system.

What should be taught in schools

Australia’s National Financial Literacy Strategy, led by the Australian Securities and Investments Commission, identifies formal education as a priority.

If Australian schooling is to achieve its goals of promoting equity and active and informed citizenship, there needs to be a rethink of what it means to be financially literate. This means bringing social justice to the conversation and shifting the emphasis from “responsibility” to “capability”.

Consider this starting point for a lesson:

Jason and Jane are twins. Both start working at McDonald’s at the age of 15. Both graduate from University and pursue professional careers. While their careers progress at a similar rate, Jason’s average annual income of $100,000 is 10% higher than Jane’s. Jane’s career is interrupted by 3 x 12-month periods of maternity leave and a total of 10 years working only 3 days per week. Jason works full-time continuously throughout his career. Both retire at the age of 65. Evaluate the financial decisions Jane and Jason must make, and the impact on their lives.

This approach has been researched – we know it works. Looking at the Australian Curriculum, Economics & Business and Mathematics are important learning areas to apply to this problem-based lesson. But it is the seven general capabilities that are central. These capabilities include: literacy; numeracy; information and communication technology; critical and creative thinking; personal and social capability; ethical understanding; and intercultural understanding.

The key to preparing students for life beyond school is identifying “real world” financial problems and teaching through issues, as opposed to topics.

For example, a good teacher might plan a provocative lesson about the information gap between a bank or insurer and the customer by discussing the CommInsure life insurance scandal.

Author: Carly Sawatzki, Lecturer , Monash University

Google Bans PayDay Ads

Google said that from mid-July, it would no longer accept ads for loans where repayment is due within 60 days of the date of the issue, imposing a blanket ban across its ad systems to shield users from “deceptive or harmful” financial products. It will include ads for loans with an annual percentage rate of 36 per cent or higher in the US. The decision would not affect other financial products such as mortgages or credit cards. The payday loans will still be shown in search results. This is the first time Google has announced a global ban on ads for a broad category of financial products.

You can listen to the segment on ABC PM where we discussed this issue.

eMarketer says Google dominates the global digital advertising market, receiving a third of the $159bn in revenues in 2015. Facebook who is second with 11 per cent of the worldwide market, has already banned advertisements of payday loans or paycheck advances, making it harder for such loans to reach large online audiences.

Google already has bans on advertising of tobacco, recreational drugs, guns, ammunition, explosives and dangerous knives on its site. In 2015, they disabled over 780 million ads.

Here is the annoucement, made on Google’s blog.

When ads are good, they connect people to interesting, useful brands, businesses and products. Unfortunately, not all ads are–some are for fake or harmful products, or seek to mislead users about the businesses they represent. We have an extensive set of policies to keep bad ads out of our systems – in fact in 2015 alone, we disabled more than 780 million ads for reasons ranging from counterfeiting to phishing.

Ads for financial services are a particular area of vigilance given how core they are to people’s livelihood and well being. In that vein, today we’re sharing an update that will go into effect on July 13, 2016: we’re banning ads for payday loans and some related products from our ads systems. We will no longer allow ads for loans where repayment is due within 60 days of the date of issue. In the U.S., we are also banning ads for loans with an APR of 36% or higher.

When reviewing our policies, research has shown that these loans can result in unaffordable payment and high default rates for users so we will be updating our policies globally to reflect that. This change is designed to protect our users from deceptive or harmful financial products and will not affect companies offering loans such as Mortgages, Car Loans, Student Loans, Commercial loans, Revolving Lines of Credit (e.g. Credit Cards).

According to Wade Henderson, president and CEO of The Leadership Conference on Civil and Human Rights, “This new policy addresses many of the longstanding concerns shared by the entire civil rights community about predatory payday lending. These companies have long used slick advertising and aggressive marketing to trap consumers into outrageously high interest loans – often those least able to afford it.” We’ll continue to review the effectiveness of this policy, but our hope is that fewer people will be exposed to misleading or harmful products.

The Community Financial Services Association of America, a trade group for the industry, says more than 19 million U.S. households use payday lenders.

“These policies are discriminatory and a form of censorship,” the trade group said in a statement. “Google is making a blanket assessment about the payday lending industry rather than discerning the good actors from the bad actors. This is unfair towards those that are legal, licensed lenders and uphold best business practices, including members of CFSA.”

Google is acting more aggressively than the US government. The Consumer Financial Protection Bureau is in the process of instituting new rules around payday lending, which the Wall Street Journal points out is usually regulated by states, but that is going to be a much slower process that Google’s. It’s government after all.

Negative Gearing IS Off The Budget Table

From Business Insider.

Australian prime minister Malcolm Turnbull has taken negative changes off the table for the May budget.

The announcement was made at a doorstop in Sydney this morning by Turnbull and treasurer Scott Morrison who noted that the federal government “had the common sense to leave the system as it is”.

They criticised Labor’s “reckless change, reckless housing tax” that would lead to homes being devalued and less investment.

“Labor’s housing tax plan will deliver a reckless trifecta of lower home values, higher rents and less investment,” said Turnbull. “The key to improving housing affordability is more houses, more dwellings.”

“Labor is taking a sledgehammer to the ambitions of mums and dads who want to invest — whether it’s established houses and apartments, commercial property, shares in listed companies, or shares in their own business,” he said.

The announcement confirms comments made earlier this morning by government minister Michaelia Cash.

“We have made a determination that based on where the housing market in Australia is at the moment, and it is unfortunately looking at prices dropping, we will be making no changes to negative gearing,” Cash told Sky News.

“We are going to back the Australian people every step of the way and not impose a tax.”

Shadow treasurer Chris Bowen said that the Turnbull government was determined to run “a great big scare campaign” noting that “the level of first home buyers is at its lowest, the number of investors buying is at its highest”.

Could gambling be the secret to saving when rates are so low?

From The Conversation.

Many interest rates in the U.S. are close to zero and even negative in some parts of the world, like Japan.

Not unexpectedly, U.S. savings rates are also quite low as individuals ask themselves: “Why save a lot of money at a bank if I get no return?”

This situation has many commentators wringing their hands because low savings rates are a problem for many reasons.

Individuals who don’t save face spending their golden years of retirement in poverty, instead of plenty. In addition, people with no savings face financial problems and potential ruin when unexpected large expenses occur and cannot help out their children with large bills like college or a down payment on a first home.

In the absence of a rapid increase in interest rates, which appears unlikely, is there anything we can do to change this problem and get people to save more?

As odd as it may sound, gambling could be part of the answer.

A simple solution: prize-linked accounts

One innovative idea for boosting low savings rates is through prize-linked savings accounts, also known as lottery-linked deposits.

The idea of prize-linked accounts is simple. Instead of receiving the full amount of interest on their savings, most people are given less money than they would otherwise and the remainder is distributed as prizes awarded randomly to some savers chosen by a lottery.

Pretend the average person receives US$2 each month in interest on a standard savings account. A bank offering a prize-linked account might instead give the account holder $1 of interest plus a small chance – slightly better than scratch tickets – to win $10,000. The bank would gather the $10,000 prize money by pooling the extra dollars of interest held back from many savings accounts.

These lottery savings accounts are an innovative idea because interest rates today are very low and offer little or no incentive for people to save money. Low savings rates cause people to abandon traditional savings accounts and lead some people to seek higher rates of return in very risky investments.

Prize-linked accounts have the advantage of ensuring savers never lose their initial funds, unlike other forms of gambling where losers can go home empty-handed.

One example of how prize-linked accounts work is the save-to-win program, promoted by a nonprofit with a mission to boost financial security among the poor. Savers deposit their money in a special 12-month account. Every $25 deposited gets the saver one more lottery ticket. Each month some prizes are awarded, and in some locations there is also an annual grand prize of $10,000 for those people who kept money in the bank for all 12 months.

These rules encourage people to open accounts, leave money untouched and build savings. Evaluations of these accounts since they began in 2009 suggest they are effective at boosting savings especially among the poor.

History of prize-linked accounts

Prize-linked savings accounts are not a new invention. The first lottery savings account was created in England in 1693 to help fund the Nine Years’ War against France.

It was a great success and raised a million British pounds for the government, which was about one-sixth of all public spending that year. Savers bought tickets for £10 each. Each ticket had a chance to win a grand prize of £1,000 per year for 16 years.

Tickets that won nothing in the lottery, however, paid interest of £1 per year for 16 years, providing the English Crown with a medium-term loan whose proceeds were used to fight a war. This was a huge success for savers because each £10 ticket returned a total of £16, plus a chance of winning a jackpot.

Controversy

Controversy has surrounded prize-linked accounts ever since their introduction in 1693. Initially, criticism was leveled against the accounts because they encouraged people to gamble, which many people viewed as immoral.

More recently, governments have been against the accounts because they divert funds from state-sanctioned lotteries. South Africa’s First National Bank created a very successful account in which winners received a maximum payout of about $150,000. This program boosted savings by the poor and unbanked in South Africa. However, that country’s Supreme Court ruled the accounts were illegal after the state lottery commission complained that its own sales were reduced as a result.

While many other countries have created prize-linked savings accounts, the idea is relatively new in the U.S. The first prize-linked savings accounts were created in Michigan in 2009.

The successful introduction of these accounts in other states like Nebraska resulted in President Barack Obama signing into law in December 2014 the “American Savings Promotion Act,” which enabled credit unions and banks to offer these accounts across the country. President Obama and Congress needed to revise the laws, because prior to the bill it was illegal for banks to engage in risky activities such as sponsoring a lottery.

States, however, also have to change their laws for this program to become widespread. One of the most recent states is Oregon, which passed legislation in June 2015 enabling banks to offer the accounts this year.

Very interesting but preliminary research is being done by University of Colorado Finance Professor Tony Cookson, who examined people in Nebraska and found that the introduction of lottery-linked savings leads consumers to reduce casino gambling. This means that these lottery-style accounts can not only boost savings rates but also encourage people to gamble less in casinos. While this is a win for consumers, it is problematic for states that are dependent on casino and lottery revenue to balance their books.

A ‘special’ boost

Prize-linked savings accounts are not the complete solution to low savings problems in the U.S. and elsewhere. Nevertheless, these accounts can help.

Encouraging people to save and build an emergency cushion for a rainy day is important. Prize-linked savings accounts are one way to do this.

My bank recently sent me a mailing trumpeting the fact that because I am a long-term “valued” customer, my savings account got a special interest rate boost to encourage me to save more. Even with the “special” boost, I earned a grand total of $1.27 in interest for the month. This tiny sum gives me no incentive to spend less and save more.

However, a prize-linked savings account that did away with all of my paltry interest but gave me a small chance at earning enough money to actually buy something of value would definitely encourage me, and likely many others, to save more.

Author: Jay L. Zagorsky, Economist and Research Scientist, The Ohio State University